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Gute Argumente. Wo beginnen?
(2019)
Gerade allgemeinere Verben zeigen eine Variationsbreite der Verwendung, die nicht leicht zu einem einheitlichen Bild zu fassen ist. Am Beispiel des Verbs beginnen wird gezeigt, wie hier die Interaktion zwischen der Struktur der Aktanten und den grammatischen Regelmäßigkeiten funktioniert. Dabei wird versucht, in der Kombination von Valenzinformationen, Argumentstrukturpositionierungen und Musterbildungen im Gebrauch ein zusammenhängendes Bild dieses Verbs in seinen verschiedenen Verwendungen zu entwerfen.
Central complements: good arguments are self-explanatory.
Together with its central complements, verbs model basic patterns of interaction. The constellations of these complements in turn correspond to central patterns of the argument structure. Nominative and accusative complements formally occupy the first and second positions (subject and object), but they also have certain semantic preferences. The formal function of the dative is less pronounced, where it occurs (ditransitive verbs) the semantic imprint of the frame („transfer“) is very strong. This corresponds to the meaning of a core group of corresponding verbs. Other verbs that allow this pattern are used more often in other valence structures and the ditransitive use appears as a systematic way of personal extension of object‑related activities. This will be discussed with reference to the verbs zeigen and (in a different way) lehren.
Objekte der Begeisterung
(2020)
We present a construction-based approach to German prepositional object (I’O) constructions occurring with the verb begeistern ,to thrill'. Traditionally, the preposition in such structures is analysed as a meaningless object marker that is lexically selected by the governing verb and not subject to variation. Drawing on a corpus study in the German reference corpus DeReKo, we show that our target verb occurs with four different PO prepositions (für ,lor‘,« ׳? ,at', von ,front' and über ,over‘) that can be analysed as markers o f schematic argument structure constructions in the Construction Grammar sense. We show that each construction comes with its own meaning and semantically coherent predicate restrictions. We argue that purely valency-based (lexical) approaches to argument structure fail to capture these generalisations. On the other hand, purely schema-based (constructionist) approaches to argument structure face the complcmentary problem o f accommodating item-specific restrictions and exceptions to the generalisations they embody. We suggest that the necessary synthesis can be formulated within an account that recognises both generalised constructions and item-specific valency properties.
"Sprachschrott" [Leserforum]
(1988)