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Based on the privative derivational suffix -los, we test statements found in the literature on word formation using a – at least in this field – novel empirical basis: a list of affective-emotional ratings of base nouns and associated -los derivations. In addition to a frequency analysis based on the German Reference Corpus, we show that, in general, emotional polarity (so-called valence, positive vs. negative emotions) is reversed by suffixation with -los. This change is stronger for more polarized base nouns. The perceived intensity of emotion (so-called arousal) is generally lower for -los derivations than for base nouns. Finally, to capture the results theoretically, we propose a prototypical -los construction in the framework of Construction Morphology.
Endungsvariation
(2014)
Die Arbeit untersucht die Existenzbedingungen und die Verwendung der nominalen -ei-Ableitungen im modernen Deutsch anhand eines umfangreichen Materials aus den Mannheimer Korpora. Zentral sind dabei die Semantik der vor allem denominalen und deverbialen Wörter, die Art und Weise der Ableitung, die Art und Weise der Komposition und nicht zuletzt die Valenz der deverbalen Ableitungen, d.h. die Valenzvererbung. Inwiefern werden die Verbsatelliten an die abgeleiteten Nomina vererbt, und in welcher Form treten sie auf? Die Arbeit enthält auch Exkurse zu -ei-Ableitungen im Wortspiel, in der Gauner- und Diebessprache, in der Umgangssprache sowie in der Sprache der Sexualität.
Syntaktische Transposition und semantische Derivation. Die Adjektive auf -isch im heutigen Deutsch
(1982)
In this paper I explore the theoretical significance of phonologically conditioned gaps in word formation. The data support the original approach to gaps in Optimality Theory proposed by Prince & Smolensky (1993), which crucially involves MPARSE as a ranked and violable constraint. The alternative CONTROL model proposed by Orgun & Sprouse (1999) is found to be inadequate because of lost generalisations and technical flaws. It is shown that a careful distinction between various morphophonological effects (e.g. paradigm uniformity effects, phonological repair and ‘stem selection’) is necessary to shed light on the morphology–phonology interface. The data investigated here support affixspecific constraint rankings, but argue against any stratal organisation of morphology.