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We discuss the modal uses of the Hausa exclusive particle sai (≈ only). We argue that the distribution of sai in modal environments provides evidence for the following claims on the composition of modal meaning that have been independently made in the literature: i) Future-oriented modality involves a prospective aspect operator that can be realized covertly in some languages (e.g. English, Kratzer 2012b) and overtly in others (e.g. Gitksan, Matthewson 2012, 2013). ii) Necessity interpretations arise from exhaustifying possibilities, i.e. an exhaustivity operator applying to existential modality (e.g. Kaufmann 2012 for the case of imperatives and Leffel 2012 for a relevant analysis of necessity meaning in Masalit). We show that future-oriented necessity in Hausa decomposes into EXH((PROSP)), with sai contributing exhaustivity.
This contribution investigates the use of the Czech particle jako (“like”/“as”) in naturally occurring conversations. Inspired by interactional research on unfinished or suspended utterances and on turn-final conjunctions and particles, the analysis aims to trace the possible development of jako from conjunction to a tag-like particle that can be exploited for mobilizing affiliative responses. Traditionally, jako has been described as conjunction used for comparing two elements or for providing a specification of a first element [“X (is) like Y”]. In spoken Czech, however, jako can be flexibly positioned within a speaking turn and does not seem to operate as a coordinating or hypotactic conjunction. As a result, prior studies have described jako as a polyfunctional particle. This article will try to shed light on the meaning of jako in spoken discourse by focusing on its apparent fuzzy or “filler” uses, i.e., when it is found in a mid-turn position in multi-unit turns and in the immediate vicinity of hesitations, pauses, and turn suspensions. Based on examples from mundane, video-recorded conversations and on a sequential and multimodal approach to social interaction, the analyses will first show that jako frequently frames discursive objects that co-participants should respond to. By using jako before a pause and concurrently adopting specific embodied displays, participants can more explicitly seek to mobilize responsive action. Moreover, as jako tends to cluster in multi-unit turns involving the formulation of subjective experience or stance, it can be shown to be specifically designed for mobilizing affiliative responses. Finally, it will be argued that the potential of jako to open up interactive turn spaces can be linked to the fundamental comparative semantics of the original conjunction.
Genau tritt im aktuellen Sprachgebrauch nicht nur in seiner klassischen Bedeutung als Adjektiv oder Adverb auf, sondern wird auch als Fokus- bzw. Gradpartikel sowie Gesprächspartikel verwendet. Bisherige Beschreibungen haben sich nur in geringem Maße und unter Verwendung heterogener Begriffe mit seinem interaktionalen Gebrauch auseinandergesetzt. In diesem Beitrag werden mit Hilfe eines sequenziellen und multimodalen Ansatzes verschiedene interaktionale Verwendungen von genau in Videoaufnahmen deutscher Alltagsgespräche untersucht. Ausgehend von seiner Funktion als Gradpartikel wird genau sowohl als redebeitragsinterne Bestätigungspartikel in Wortfindungsprozessen als auch als responsive Bestätigungspartikel eingesetzt. Da genau häufig das Ende eines Verstehensprozesses bzw. einer Wissensverhandlung markiert, könnte allgemeiner die Bezeichnung des Intersubjektivitätsmarkers in Erwägung gezogen werden. Aus dem responsiven, bestätigenden Gebrauch heraus entsteht eine stärker sequenzschließende und sequenzstrukturierende Funktion von genau, woraus sich auch der zunehmende Gebrauch dieses Lexems als rein diskursstrukturierende Partikel innerhalb eines Redezugs erklären könnte.
Comparaison de deux marqueurs d’affirmation dans des séquences de co-construction: voilà et genau
(2016)
This contribution investigates the German response particle genau and the French response particle voilà within collaborative turn sequences in videotaped ordinary conversations. Adopting a conversation analytic approach to cross-linguistic comparison, I will show that the basic epistemic value of both particles allows them to be used in similar sequential environments. When a co-participant formulates a candidate conclusion in environments where it can be easily inferred from previous talk, first speakers may confirm the adequacy of the pre-emptive completion by voilà or genau. These particles may then also be followed by self- or other-repeats. The analyses aim to illustrate that participants rely on a variety of practices in order to positively assess a pre-emptive completion, and to refute a supposed binary opposition of refusal vs. acceptance in the receipt slot.
This paper focuses on the interaction of interrogativity and information structure in Slavic polarity questions where the clitic li may indicate interrogativity as well as focusation. We will see how the semantic category sentence force as well as the pragmatically induced information structuring are anchored syntactically and represented semantically. Even though we will introduce two notions of li for methodological reasons, there is only one li in each language. Within the framework of Rizzi's (1997) theory of the split C-Domain, we will see that li only occurs in Force[0] in Russian and Serbian/Croatian indicating that li is some kind of complementizer. In Bulgarian and Macedonian, on the other hand, li is generated more or less 'independently' from Force[0], but forces the constituent it is adjoined to to move up to FocP. We will further show that Rizzi's theory also accounts for the compositional derivation of meaning of yes/no-interrogatives with information or identificational focus.
We compare the use of überhaupt and sowieso in Dutch and German. We use the world-wide web as the main resource and pursue a zigzag strategy, trying to find usages going back and forth between dictionaries, intuitions and real data obtained through web search. To our surprise, the results more or less confirm the decision of Dutch dictionaries to consider überhaupt and sowieso synonymous. In German, we find no synonymy, but only a great overlap of usage conditions in declarative sentences.