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Tense, aspect, and mood are grammatical categories concerned with different notional facets of the event or situation conveyed by a given clause. They are prototypically expressed by the verbal system. Tense can be defined as a category that relates points or intervals in time to one another; in a most basic model, those include the time of the event or situation referred to and the speech time. The former may precede the latter (“past”), follow it (“future”), or be simultaneous with it (or at least overlap with it; “present”). Aspect is concerned with the internal temporal constituency of the event or situation, which may be viewed as a single whole (“perfective”) or with particular reference to its internal structure (“imperfective”), including its being ongoing at a certain point in time (“progressive”). Mood, in a narrow, morphological sense, refers to the inflectional realization of modality, with modality encompassing a large and varying set of sub-concepts such as possibility, necessity, probability, obligation, permission, ability, and volition. In the domain of tense, all Germanic languages make a distinction between non-past and past. In most languages, the opposition can be expressed inflectionally, namely, by the present and preterite (indicative). All modern languages also have a periphrastic perfect as well as periphrastic forms that can be used to refer to future events. Aspect is characteristically absent as a morphological category across the entire family, but most, if not all, modern languages have periphrastic forms for the expression of aspectual categories such as progressiveness. Regarding mood, Germanic languages are commonly described as distinguishing up to three such form paradigms, namely, indicative, imperative, and a third one referred to here as subjunctive. Morphologically distinct subjunctive forms are, however, more typical of earlier stages of Germanic than they are of most present-day languages.
Der vorliegende Aufsatz widmet sich zwei Kategorien der traditionellen (deutschen) Grammatik: dem Aufforderungssatz, einer der fünf klassischen Satzarten, und dem Imperativ, einer Verbform, die als typisch für Aufforderungssätze gilt. Er greift Beobachtungen aus der jüngeren Fachliteratur auf, die ein zunehmendes Unbehagen mit beiden Kategorien erkennen lassen. In morphologischer Hinsicht zeigt sich, dass nur wenige deutsche Verben eine eindeutige Imperativform besitzen. Manche Verben besitzen keine Imperativform. Bei der Mehrzahl der Verben besteht Homonymie zwischen Imperativformen und Konjunktivformen der 3. Person Singular. Imperativformen werden durch Konjunktivformen verdrängt. In syntaktischer Hinsicht wird argumentiert, dass Imperativsyntagmen keine Satzform haben. Satzförmige Ausdrücke mit Konjunktivformen, die für auffordernde Handlungen stehen, können als Wunschsätze kategorisiert werden. Als Aufforderungssätze bleiben zwei Klassen von Syntagmen im Grenzbereich zwischen nicht-satzförmigen und satzförmigen Ausdrücken übrig, die besondere Eigenschaften hinsichtlich Subjektbesetzung und Subjekt-Verb-Kongruenz zeigen.
Negation raising and mood. A corpus-based study of Polish sądzić ‘think’ and wierzyć ‘believe’
(2021)
The paper describes the distribution of two negation raising predicates in Polish: sądzić ‛think’ and wierzyć ‛believe’ in the National Corpus of Polish with a particular focus on their morphosyntax and the mood of their clausal complements. The aim was to examine whether there are any correlations between these two parameters, and to what extent negation raising with those verbs exhibits performative features (in terms of Prince, 1976). The results of the study support the performative approach to negation raising as per Prince (1976) only for cases with subjunctive complements. The corpus findings further imply that Polish negation raising predicates encode two different degrees of (un)certainty concerning the truth of the embedded proposition depending on the mood of their complements. Structures with indicative complements express weaker uncertainty than structures with subjunctive complements.
Languages vary in whether or not their future markers are compatible with non-future modal readings (Tonhauser, 2011b). The present paper proposes that this Variation is determined by the aspectual architecture of a given language, more precisely if and how aspects can be stacked. Building on recent accounts of the temporal interpretation of modals (Matthewson, 2012, 2013; Kratzer, 2012; Chen et al., ta), the paper first sketches an analysis of the temporal readings of the English future marker will and then provides cross-linguistic comparison with a selected, typologically diverse set of languages (Medumba, Hausa, Gitksan, and Greek).