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La diminution des compétences linguistiques (ou: attrition des langues) est un phénomène que l’on rencontre dans différents contextes lorsque l’accès à ce qui est acquis dans une langue (L1, L2 ou langue étrangère) diminue. Les recherches sur le sujet montrent par exemple que l’influence de la L2 rend difficile aux locuteurs L1 d’exploiter toutes les variations stylistiques ou pragmatiques que leur L1 devrait normalement leur permettre. La question qui se pose est de savoir ce qui se perd en effet: est-ce la competence langagière, la representation mentale de la connaissance qui est affectée ou s’agit-il plutôt d’une limitation de l’accès et du contrôle des connaissances acquises qui, elles, restent intactes? Dans le cadre des discussions actuelles autour des avantages et des risques du plurilinguisme il n’est pas seulement intéressant mais bien nécessaire d’approfondir les recherches sur les processus de l’attrition. Il faut par ailleurs, pour que les plurilingues aient un réel bénéfice de leur potentiel, que la société reconnaisse et apprécie concrètement ces compétences et qu’elle encourage les locuteurs à afficher leur identité bilingue en toute confiance et transparence.
In long-standing language contact situations, SLA mechanisms can account for changes in LI. While it is obvious that LI influence on L2 can be accounted for as a transfer effect, I postulate that SLA effects are responsible for certain aspects of L2 influence on LI as well. This is transparent if early stages of SLA are compared to early stages of language contact: what is affected most in both cases is the lexicon. Examples are drawn from Pennsylvania German, a German-based language spoken in the USA and in contact with American English (AE) for c. 300 years. The data imply that the conceptual matrix of the Speakers’ minds has shifted from German to AE, resulting in constructions that can be traced to AE, while the conscious language choice is still German. This conceptual shift relates to a stage in SLA, when the learner begins to get a grasp of the internal systematicity of the L2 and reduces the transfer of structural LI material to L2, i.e. the beginning of a structuralization process in the learner’s interlanguage. The quality and sequence of the “invading” material in language contact is strikingly similar to the sequence of the material composed in the process of SLA, implying a close relationship
between the two processes.
By way of migration, large numbers of German-speaking settlers arrived in Pennsylvania between roughly 1700 and 1750. Pennsylvania German, as a distinct variety, developed through levelling processes from L1 varieties of these migrants who came mainly from the southwestern regions of the German speaking area. Pennsylvania German is still spoken today by specific religious groups (primarily Amish and Menonnite groups) for many of whom it is an identity marker. My paper focuses on those Pennsylvania Germans who are not part of these religious groups but have the same migration history. Due to their being closer to the cultural values of American mainstream society, they were integrated into it, and during the 20th century their use of Pennsylvania German was continually diminishing. A revival of this heritage language has occurred over the past c. three decades, including language courses offered at community colleges, public libraries, etc., where ethnic Pennsylvania Germans wish to (re-)learn the language of their grandparents. Written Pennsylvania German data from four points in time between the 1860s and the 1990s were analysed in this study. Based on these linguistic analyses, differences between the data sets are shown that point towards a diachronic change in the language contact situation of Pennsylvania German speakers. Sociolinguistic and extralinguistic factors are considered that influence the role of PG and make their speakers heritage speakers much in the sense of recent immigrant heritage speakers, although delayed by 200 years.
Die vorliegende Arbeit befasst sich mit der Frage, wie Sprachvariation in Gesprächen in sozialsymbolisierender Funktion eingesetzt wird. Sie entstand vor dem Hintergrund der ethnographisch-soziolinguistischen Stadtsprachenforschung im Rahmen des Projekts "Kommunikation in der Stadt" von Inken Keim und Werner Kallmeyer, das sich mit dem Kommunikationsverhalten von Zugehörigen unterschiedlicher sozialer Milieus der Mannheimer Bevölkerung beschäftigt und unter anderem die sozial bedeutsame Verwendung von Sprachvariation analysiert. Bei der hier betrachteten Sprachvariation handelt es sich um die Variation zwischen Standard und dem Saarlouiser Dialekt, der zu den moselfränkischen Dialekten zählt. Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, festzustellen, ob und wie sprachliche Symbolisierungen mit Hilfe von Sprachvariation gebildet werden. Es wird untersucht, wie bestimmte soziale Kategorien in der Selbst- und Fremddarstellung der Sprecher im Erzählen oder im Gespräch durch Sprachvariation ausgedrückt werden können und wie diese bewertet werden.
This article is concerned with the use of speech variation in a classroom in south-west Germany. It shows how a teacher uses dialect-standard variation as a resource for carrying out different tasks. An analysis of the variational practices of the teacher reveals two different code-alternating procedures with different functional scopes. On the one hand, the teacher uses code-shifting along a continuum of standard forms, especially to draw attention to relevant aspects of the instructional activities, and to guide participation in the unfolding discourse. On the other hand, she uses the context-cueing function of code-switching between standard and dialect, especially to locally manage the key of interaction (interaction modalities). It is shown that, for the teacher analysed, switching to dialect is a methodological resource which matches the intricate pedagogical tasks involved in the evaluation moves which follow pupils' 'troublesome' answers.