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The paper is concerned with the filling of the right edge of a German clause with different constituents: subconstituents of the clause, arguments and modifiers of the NP, appositions and right-dislocated elements. It is argued that these different ways of filling the right edge come about in quite different ways. Subconstituents of the clause are base generated at the right edge in syntax. Constituents of the NP and appositions get to the right edge postsyntactically, i.e., they are linearised there only in the phonological component. Finally, the appearance of right-dislocated constituents is the result of two well-established deletion processes operating on two adjacent clauses.
The different mechanisms allow us to understand differences these elements show regarding positioning inside the right edge, binding and intonation. An important empirical generalisation put forward in the IDS-grammar can be captured. The grammar's controversial assumption that the right edge comprises a part which is disintegrated in between two syntactically integrated parts can be shown to be superfluous.
This paper shows how experimental methods can advance syntactic description and syntactic theory. The empirical domain is the order of verbs in German verb clusters containing a modal verb in the perfect. Such clusters are special insofar as prescriptive grammar requires the finite verb to appear in cluster-initial instead of cluster-final position (e.g., hat lesen müssen 'has read must' instead of lesen müssen hat 'read must has'). Contrary to this requirement, experiments show that native speakers accept the auxiliary also in later positions as long as it precedes the modal verb. The acceptability data are corroborated by corpus data and experimental data from language production. The relevance of the experimental data for syntactic theory are discussed.
Null subjects (NSs) have been a central research topic in generative syntax ever since the 1980s. This chapter considers the situation of German NSs both from a dialectological and from a diachronic perspective and attempts to reconstruct a direct line concerning the licensing conditions of pro-drop from Old High German (OHG) through Middle High German (MHG) and Early New High German (ENHG) to current dialects of New High German (NHG). Particularly, we will argue that German changed from a consistent, yet asymmetric pro-drop language to a partial, but symmetric one. In order to demonstrate that this development took place and the steps involved, we survey the existing empirical evidence and introduce new data.
Die Polysemie satzeinbettender Prädikate spielt eine wichtige Rolle fur deren Einbettungsverhalten. Konkret wird gezeigt, dass Polysemie mit struktureller Ambiguität als Kontroll- vs. Anhebungsverb assoziiert sein kann (Beispiel drohen/versprechen) und dass NEG-Raising auf bestimmte Lesarten eines polysemen Verbs beschränkt sein kann. Des Weiteren wird beleuchtet, welche Faktoren die syntaktische Flexibilität satzeinbettender Prädikate, d.h. das Einbettungspotenzial bzgl. der wichtigsten Satzkomplementtypen des Deutschen, begünstigen und welche Rolle dabei Umdeutungen (z.B. von bedauern zu 'mit Bedauern äußern'), die Polysemie induzieren, spielen. Alle betrachteten Phänomene deuten darauf hin, dass sie S-Selektion (semantische Selektion) eine zentrale Rolle in der Satzeinbettung spielt.
Deutsche Partikelverben repräsentieren eine äußerst produktive Klasse von komplexen Verben im Lexikon, die sich durch idiosynkratische Eigenschaften auf der Syntax-Semantik-Schnittstelle auszeichnet: Zum einen sind die abtrennbaren Partikeln extrem ambig. Zum anderen entstehen durch die Komposition von Partikel und Basisverb in Abhängigkeit von der semantischen Klasse des Basisverbs (reguläre) Verschiebungen bezüglich der Argumentstruktur und des Grades der Kompositionalität des Partikelverbs. In diesem Artikel stelle ich eine breite Auswahl von kognitiven und computerlinguistischen Studien vor, die verschiedene Perspektiven auf das Zusammenspiel von semantischen Verbklassen, Partikel-Bedeutungen sowie Argumentstruktur und Kompositionalität von Partikelverben ermöglichen.
Just like most varieties of West Germanic, virtually all varieties of German use a construction in which a cognate of the English verb 'do' (standard German 'tun') functions as an auxiliary and selects another verb in the bare infinitive, a construction known as 'do'-periphrasis or 'do'-support. The present paper provides an Optimality Theoretic (OT) analysis of this phenomenon. It builds on a previous analysis by Bader and Schmid (An OT-analysis of 'do'-support in Modern German, 2006) but (i) extends it from root clauses to subordinate clauses and (ii) aims to capture all of the major distributional patterns found across (mostly non-standard) varieties of German. In so doing, the data are used as a testing ground for different models of German clause structure. At first sight, the occurrence of 'do' in subordinate clauses, as found in many varieties, appears to support the standard CP-IP-VP analysis of German. In actual fact, however, the full range of data turn out to challenge, rather than support, this model. Instead, I propose an analysis within the IP-less model by Haider (Deutsche Syntax - generativ. Vorstudien zur Theorie einer projektiven Grammatik, Narr, Tübingen, 1993 et seq.). In sum, the 'do'-support data will be shown to have implications not only for the analysis of clause structure but also for the OT constraints commonly assumed to govern the distribution of 'do', for the theory of non-projecting words (Toivonen in Non-projecting words, Kluwer, Dordrecht, 2003) as well as research on grammaticalization.
Cet article propose un bref aperçu de l’état de l’art en syntaxe de l’allemand. Pour illustrer les évolutions théoriques et méthodologiques majeures, en rupture avec les approches traditionnelles, l’étude a sélectionné cinq points particuliers : la structure du groupe nominal, la syntaxe du verbe en lien avec la valence et les fonctions syntaxiques, les diathèses, les constructions infinitives et la structure de la phrase sous l’angle de la position du verbe et de ses implications syntaxiques.