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Die Gedichte Georg Trakls gelten allgemein als semantisch schwer zugänglich und stellen Gedichtinterpretationen vor einige Herausforderungen. Im Zentrum dieses Aufsatzes steht ein einzelner satzwertiger Vers aus einem Gedicht Trakls. Ziel ist es zu zeigen, wie literaturwissenschaftliche Interpretationen dieses Verses linguistisch rekonstruiert werden können, und zwar auf der Basis von grundlegenden lexikalischen Eigenschaften, Prozessen der Bedeutungsverschiebung, pragmatisch basierten Anreicherungsprozessen, Welt- und literarischem Wissen und insbesondere detaillierten Annahmen zur Argumentstruktur. Die changierende Bedeutung des untersuchten Verses, so eine der Schlussfolgerungen dieses Aufsatzes, basiert dabei neben Uminterpretationen und Bedeutungsanreicherungen insbesondere auf der Amalgamierung verschiedener Argumentstrukturmuster.
This paper deals with different types of verbal complementation of the German verb verdienen. It focuses on constructions that have been undergoing a grammaticalization process and thus express deontic modality, as in Sie verdient geliebt zu werden (ʽShe deserves to be lovedʼ) and Sie verdient zu leben (ʽShe deserves to liveʼ) (Diewald, Dekalo & Czicza 2021). These constructions are connected to parallel complementation types with passive and active infinitives containing a correlate es, as in Sie verdient es, geliebt zu werden and Sie verdient es, zu leben, as well as finite clauses with the subordinator dass with and without correlative es, as in Sie verdient, dass sie geliebt wird and Sie verdient es, dass sie geliebt wird. This paper attempts to show a close comparative investigation of these six types of constructions based on their relevant semantic and syntactic properties in terms of clause linkage (Lehmann 1988). We analyze the relevant data retrieved from the DWDS corpus of the 20th century and present an expanded grammaticalization path for verdienen-constructions. The finite complementation with dass is regarded as an example of a separate structural option called “elaboration”. Concerning the use of correlative es, it is shown that it does not have any substantial effect on the grammaticalization of modal verdienen-constructions.
This paper investigates the use of linking adverbs in adversative constructions in German and Italian. In Italian those constructions are very frequently formulated with adverbs such as invece, while wordings without a lexical connective are more typical of German. Corpus data show that the syntactic und semantic conditions favouring the use of adversative adverbs are by and large the same in both languages. Lexical connectives can increase explicitness when the intended adversative interpretation is not obvious on other grounds. The higher frequency of adversative adverbs in Italian is shown to be a consequence of the more restrictive rules of the placement of prosodic accent.
This paper analyses the variation we find in the realization of finite clausal complements in the position of prepositional objects in a set of Germanic languages. The Germanic languages differ with respect to whether prepositions can directly select a clause (North Germanic) or not and instead need a prepositional proform (Continental West Germanic). Within the Continental West Germanic languages, we find further differences with respect to the constituent structures. We propose that German strong vs. weak prepositional proforms (e.g. drauf vs. darauf) differ with respect to their syntax, while this is not the case for the Dutch forms (ervan vs. daarvan). What the Germanic languages under consideration share is that the prepositional element can be covert, except in English. English shows only limited evidence for the presence of P with finite clauses in the position of prepositional objects generally, but only with a selected set of verbs. This investigation is a first step towards a broader study of the nature of clauses in prepositional object positions and the implications for the syntax of clausal complementation.
Dieser Beitrag analysiert auf der Grundlage der Wikipedia-Korpora des Leibniz-Instituts für Deutsche Spra-che morphosyntaktische Phänomene im deutsch-italienischen Vergleich. Konkret fokussiert die Fallstudie Konfixe, die ursprünglich lateinischen bzw. griechischen Ursprungs waren und zunächst überwiegend für den Bereich der Medizinfachsprache entlehnt wurden. Mittlerweile werden diese mit veränderter Semantik jedoch auch für gemeinsprachliche Wortbildungsprodukte eingesetzt: So finden sich -phob- (D) und -fob- (IT) sowie -man- (D) und -man- (IT) in gemeinsprachlichen Wortbildungsprodukten, die formale und funk-tionale Äquivalenzen im Deutschen und Italienischen aufweisen. Wikipedia-Autor/-innen nutzen die als Krankheitsmetaphern zu deutenden Termini wie Lösch(o)manie oder cancellomania auf den Diskussionsseiten der Online-Enzyklopädie dazu, das Verhalten anderer Autor/-innen in der kollaborativen Textproduktion der Wikipedia metadiskursiv zu normieren.
The grammatically determined meaning of situation dependent ellipses like "Schnell einen Krankenwagen!" is indeterminate as compared to the semantic form of corresponding non elliptical sentences. To assume such an indeterminacy is only possible if one distinguishes the grammatically determined meaning from the utterance meaning. The semantic indeterminacy of situation dependent ellipses has its syntactic pendant in the form of minimal sentence structures containing empty categories, which are interpreted semantically as free variables. The letter are replaced by specific context dependent entities only in the utterance meaning.
Der Aufsatz diskutiert die Syntax und Semantik von Konstruktionen im Deutschen mit es- und präpositionalen Korrelaten wie "Leo bedauert es, dass Mia krank ist" oder "Leo freut sich darüber, dass Mia gesund ist". Er argumentiert gegen Breindls (1989), Sudhoffs (2003, i.Vorb.), und Freys (2011) Homonymiehypothese, nach der es-Korrelate und präpositionale Korrelate sich jeweils in unterschiedliche syntaktische Kategorien aufsplitten. Es wird eine uniforme Analyse präsentiert, die generell ein Korrelat als eine Proform ansieht, die auf ein abstraktes Objekt referiert. Letzteres ist entweder eine Aussage σ, auf die ein eingebetteter Deklarativsatz oder das Radikal eines eingebetteten wenn- oder ob-Satzes referiert, oder es handelt sich bei ihm um eine kontextgegebene Aussage μ, die eine Antwort auf die eingebettete w-Frage darstellt. Die uniforme Analyse offeriert syntaktische und semantische Erklärungen für die Beobachtungen, die zu der Homonymiehypothese geführt haben.
Just like most varieties of West Germanic, virtually all varieties of German use a construction in which a cognate of the English verb 'do' (standard German 'tun') functions as an auxiliary and selects another verb in the bare infinitive, a construction known as 'do'-periphrasis or 'do'-support. The present paper provides an Optimality Theoretic (OT) analysis of this phenomenon. It builds on a previous analysis by Bader and Schmid (An OT-analysis of 'do'-support in Modern German, 2006) but (i) extends it from root clauses to subordinate clauses and (ii) aims to capture all of the major distributional patterns found across (mostly non-standard) varieties of German. In so doing, the data are used as a testing ground for different models of German clause structure. At first sight, the occurrence of 'do' in subordinate clauses, as found in many varieties, appears to support the standard CP-IP-VP analysis of German. In actual fact, however, the full range of data turn out to challenge, rather than support, this model. Instead, I propose an analysis within the IP-less model by Haider (Deutsche Syntax - generativ. Vorstudien zur Theorie einer projektiven Grammatik, Narr, Tübingen, 1993 et seq.). In sum, the 'do'-support data will be shown to have implications not only for the analysis of clause structure but also for the OT constraints commonly assumed to govern the distribution of 'do', for the theory of non-projecting words (Toivonen in Non-projecting words, Kluwer, Dordrecht, 2003) as well as research on grammaticalization.
Cet article propose un bref aperçu de l’état de l’art en syntaxe de l’allemand. Pour illustrer les évolutions théoriques et méthodologiques majeures, en rupture avec les approches traditionnelles, l’étude a sélectionné cinq points particuliers : la structure du groupe nominal, la syntaxe du verbe en lien avec la valence et les fonctions syntaxiques, les diathèses, les constructions infinitives et la structure de la phrase sous l’angle de la position du verbe et de ses implications syntaxiques.
This paper examines four German transportation verbs with the prefix weg-, concentrating on their syntax and their semantic and pragmatic interpretations. The empirical data investigated are from a cross-linguistic corpus of German and Brazilian Portuguese as foreign languages. The analysis is based on the concept of focus, which is defined as a point on the path along which the patient of the process moves. The focus must be either mentioned or contextually evident. Each transportation verb will be able to establish a typical focus. German prefix-verbs with weg- are characterized by a focus-conflict that can be resolved through different interpretation strategies.
An important role in the coherence of texts is played by the distribution of information in the sentence. The present paper especially examines the beginning of sentences (topics). Which syntactic elements are most adequate to initiate a sentence, and which of their characteristics can be considered responsible for this? After a short review of the pertinent literature, we shall present grammatical, semantic and pragmatic factors that organize topicalization. The point of departure are the patterns of basic serialization as defined by the grammar. Deviations of these patterns can particularly be a result of the principle of known information. In addition to this constitutive principle, we can distinguish five regulative principles that lead to non-marked topicalizations (situation, empathy, iconicity, lengthening terms, text connection). In the closing sections, the positioning of phrasal accents and some special types of topics will be discussed. All the examples given are from modem German.
This paper presents a study on the comprehensibility of rephrased syntactic structures in German court decisions. While there are a number of studies using psycholinguistic methods to investigate the comprehensibility of original legal texts, we are not aware of any study looking into the effect resolving complex structures has on the comprehensibility. Our study combines three methodological steps. First, we analyse an annotated corpus of court decisions, press releases and newspaper reports on these decisions in order to detect those complex structures in the decisions which distinguish them from the other text types. Secondly, these structures are rephrased into two increasingly simple versions. Finally, all versions are subjected to a self paced reading experiment. The findings suggest that rephrasing greatly enhances the comprehensibility for the lay reader.
This paper focuses on the origin of the V2 property in the history of Germanic. Considering data from Gothic and Old English (OE), it is suggested that the historical core of the V2 phenomenon reduces to V-to-C movement that is triggered in operator contexts. Therefore, the historical system shares basic propertieswith limited V2 in Modern English. It is shown that apparent deviations from this pattern that can be observed in Gothic can be attributed to the influence of Greek word order. Concerning the apparently more elaborate V2 properties of OE, it is claimed that a large part of them in fact do not involve a Spec-head relation, but rather result from linear adjacency between the clause-initial element and a finite verb located in T0. Special attention is paid to the placement of pronominal subjects in OE, which are claimed to occupy SpecTP. This contrasts with a lower position of full subjects due to the absence of an EPP in OE. Finally, the loss of superficial V2 orders in the Middle English period is attributed to the development of an EPP feature in T.
Der Aufsatz gibt einen Überblick über die Arten von Nebensätzen im Deutschen. Er beschreibt ihre syntaktischen Funktionen und Strukturen anhand des Felderschemas. Auf drei Gesichtspunkte wird detaillierter eingegangen: nebensatzspezifische Funktionen von (i) Pronomina und (ii) Vergleichspartikeln sowie (iii) die Rolle von Nebensätzen bei der Satzspaltung. Der Aufsatz kann im Universitätsunterricht und als Grundlage für Untersuchungen in vergleichender Syntax genutzt werden.
Ergänzungssätze
(1977)
This paper deals with the function of German modal particles in non-embedded sentences with the verb at the end. The four German particles "bloß", "doch", "ja" and "wohl" are analysed. Therefore the verb-last-sentences are compared with sentences with the verb in the first or second position, which are used with or without modal particles. In all these sentences modal particles have the same function. They specify a speaker’s attitude. For this purpose they interact with other linguistic means and refer to the linguistic and/or non-linguistic context of the utterance. So one can say, that modal particles play an important role in the utterance meaning of a sentence.
Some basic difficulties in the generative description o f grammatical coordination are traced back to principal open points in Chomsky’s initial model o f transformational grammar. The argument is based (i) on an analysis of the role played by internal and external conditions of adequacy for grammars in the conception of syntactic structures, and (ii) on an examination of the relation between syntax and semantics as proposed by Chomsky. The continuation o f the problems stated is shown by surveying a number of contributions from later models. As a possible solution a description of coordination in terms of a "surface syntax for semantics" is envisaged.
Anaphora by pronouns
(1983)
An adequate conception of anaphora is still a desideratum. Considering the anaphoric use of third-person personal pronouns, the present study contributes to the solution of the question of what anaphora is. Major tenets of generative approaches to pronominal anaphora are surveyed; descriptive and methodological problems with transformational as well as interpretive treatments are discussed. The prevailing assumption that anaphora is a syntactically based phenomenon is shown tobe inadequate. In particular, it is argued that pronominal anaphora does not constitute a case of eilher a syntactic ( agreement) relation or a semantic ( coreference) relation between antecedents and anaphors, i.e. linguistic expressions. Infact, there is no grammatical antecedent-anaphor relation that is essential to the description of pronouns. Pronouns are to be treated in their own right rather than by recourse to supposed antecedents. An account of the use of pronouns has to be based on a notion of speaker reference and on a unified description of lexical entries for pronouns that specify their meanings. Sampie entries for English are suggested. It is emphasized that pronoun meanings rejlect social, not biological, classifications of possible referents. To the extent that pronouns are used according to morphosyntactic features, as in languages like German or French, lexical entries for pronouns should specify the pronouns' 'associative potential'. Associative potential has the samefunction as conceptual meaning, viz. delimiting the associated extension. In addition to this, pronouns turn out to differ from 'normal definite nominals' only in the low conceptual content of their meanings. Pronoun occurrences that apparently agree with and are coreferential with referential antecedents are found to form a restricted subclass of pronoun use in generat as weil as of anaphoric pronoun use. Thus one must refrainfromforcing each and every pronoun occurrence into this mold. Instead, anaphora by pronouns is characterized as a type of use where pronouns serve to refer to referents that the speaker considers to be retrievable from the universe-of-discourse.
Standardly, verb-first (V1) conditionals are considered to be mere variants of wenn-conditionals; accordingly, left-peripheral V1-clauses are analyzed as embedded into the prefields of declarative apodosis clauses, just like their V-end counterparts. We challenge this view, proposing instead that dependent V1-clauses are syntactically unembedded/unintegrated, and, consequently, that postposed declarative apodosis clauses are either V2-declaratives with prefield ellipsis or V1-declaratives. We argue our case by presenting evidence that (i) wenn-clauses differ considerably from V1-clauses in semantic distribution, (ii) unlike wenn-clauses, V1-clauses do not meet the criteria for syntactic embedding, (iii) the alternatives entailed by (ii) for the structural analysis of a postposed apodosis both have empirical support. As for a syntactic analysis of V1-structures suited to these findings, we argue that a CP adjunction analysis is currently the best option available. We also point out connections between the semantic restrictions on V1-conditionals and the semantics of V1-interrogatives that are suggestive of a common semantic core, which raises hope that our background vision (ultimately, all dependent V-to-C clauses are semantically licensed substitutes for genuine subordinates) may also be true for V1-clauses.
Ausgehend von einem Beleg des Verbs "abwarten" in einem Text des 17. Jahrhunderts wird gezeigt, wie sich Erscheinungen des Sprachwandels mit den Mitteln einer Valenzgrammatik beschreiben lassen. Zu diesem Zweck wird ein vierstufiges Beschreibungsmodell vorgeschlagen, das von einer kategorial-semantischen Basis ausgeht und dann über eine Ebene der syntaktischen Hierarchisierung und eine der selektionalen Beschränkungen zur Ebene der formalen Valenzen führt. Am Gebrauch des Verbs "abwarten" quer durch die deutsche Sprachgeschichte wird die Anwendung dieses Modells vorgeführt.
Am 21. November 2003 fand unter dem Titel »Konzessive Konnektoren und Konzessivität im Sprachvergleich« im Vortragssaal des Instituts für Deutsche Sprache ein interdisziplinäres Kolloquium statt. Die Arbeitsgruppe »Handbuch der deutschen Konnektoren« knüpfte damit an eine ähnliche Veranstaltung vom Dezember 2002 an (vgl. Sprachreport Nr. 1/2003, S. 33-36). Es ging darum, die Konzessivrelation semantisch zu bestimmen und abzugrenzen sowie die zu ihrer grammatischen Kodierung verfügbaren Sprachmittel des Deutschen und einiger europäischer Vergleichssprachen vor einem sprachtypologischen Hintergrund gegenüberzustellen. Es wurden je eine germanische, eine romanische und eine slawische Vergleichssprache ausgewählt, nämlich das Niederländische, das Portugiesische und das Russische. Damit fiel die Wahl zugleich auf Sprachen, die bislang weniger häufig und weniger detailliert mit dem Deutschen verglichen worden sind.