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Akustische Messungen subphonemischer Verschluss- und Aspirationsdauern in apparent-time-Daten belegen die Neugewichtung akustischer Reize zur
Signalisierung der intervokalischen Fortis/Lenis-Opposition in jüngeren Generationen einzelner DACH-Varietäten, die auf Kontakt mit in Deutschland gesprochenen Standardvarietäten zurückgeführt wird. Jüngere Gewährspersonen des Westmittelbairischen nutzen etwa vermehrt Aspiration bei schwindender Bedeutung des Verschlussdauerreizes. Die diachrone Kürzung langer Fortisplosive in der Zürcher Standardvarietät wurde zudem in einer agentenbasierten Computersimulation als Folge zufälligen Kontakts mit einer in Deutschland gesprochenen Standardvarietät rekonstruiert. Die Ergebnisse dieser sowohl kontaktinduzierten als auch graduellen Lautwandelprozesse werden im Rahmen eines interaktiv-phonetischen Lautwandelmodells diskutiert.
Im öffentlichen Diskurs über den Wandel des gesprochenen Deutsch findet die Lautebene meist wenig Berücksichtigung. Auch die wissenschaftliche Forschung ist vor allem auf Lexik, Grammatik und Orthographie fokussiert. In meinem Beitrag soll die lautliche Entwicklungsdynamik des Deutschen an einigen Beispielen veranschaulicht und über mögliche Tendenzen der künftigen Entwicklung reflektiert werden. Hierbei wird zunächst auf neuere Befunde der Regionalsprachforschung eingegangen, mit Schwerpunkt auf der Beschreibung dialektaler und regiolektaler Wandelprozesse im „Norddeutschen Sprachatlas“ (NOSA). Davon ausgehend wird dafur plädiert, neben dem Abbau traditioneller Formen auch die Entstehung von lautlichen Neuerungen stärker als bisher in den Blick zu nehmen. Dies erfordert eine Einbeziehung rezenter Formen der Mehrsprachigkeit (z. B. Deutsch/ Türkisch, Deutsch/Arabisch, Deutsch/Englisch).
Rhyme occurs when two or more words are phonologically identical from the final stressed vowel onward. However, there are several types of so-called imperfect rhymes in which vocalic and/or consonantal segments are allowed to differ. Some of these types frequently replace perfect rhymes in verse-final positions in the German poetic tradition, which suggests that they are licensed by genre conventions. Thus far, however, there is little empirical investigation into whether or not specific subtypes of imperfect rhymes are actually perceived as rhyming. Using a speeded rhyme judgment task, this study examines (a) how imperfect rhymes are perceived by comparing them to perfect rhymes and nonrhymes and (b) systematic differences between subtypes of imperfect rhyme. Specifically, we studied three subtypes in which the relevant segments differed in terms of vowel roundedness, voicing, and vowel quantity. If participants did not answer the speeded rhyme judgment task within 750 ms, the trial timed out and the next one appeared. We analyzed both rhyme judgments (yes/no) and time-outs (valid/timed-out), the former indexing rhyme acceptability, the latter indexing uncertainty. Our results indicate that imperfect rhymes are less acceptable than perfect rhymes and elicit greater uncertainty in the rhyme judgment task than both perfect rhymes and nonrhymes. Metered verse context increases the acceptability of imperfect rhymes, whereas perfect and nonrhymes were equally acceptable in word pairs and couplets. Furthermore, our results corroborate the notion that the degree of phonological similarity plays a crucial role in the perception of words as rhyming. However, our study does not lend support to the idea that frequent occurrence of specific imperfect rhymes in the poetic canon makes them more acceptable as rhymes.
The sound of language comprises all articulatory, acoustic, and perceptual aspects of speech, including the phonological and phonetic recoding of orthographic symbols. The sound of casual speech is widely considered a mere vehicle of meaning; in literary genres, however, such as proverbs, poetry, or even the novel, the sound shape of language serves an aesthetic function and constitutes an integral component of the literary work of art, resulting in a pronounced “palpability” of form (Jakobson, 1960). This chapter selectively reviews the growing body of empirical research that is concerned with sound-related aspects of literary texts; particular attention is paid to prevalent concepts, theories, and methods, concluding with suggestions and recommendations for future investigation.
This conversation analytic study compares the use of negation particles in spoken German and Persian, namely nein/nee and na. While these particles have a range of functions in both languages (Ghaderi 2022; Imo 2017), their use in response to news remains understudied. We focus on nein/nee and na in two sequential contexts: (i) after prior disconfirmations (Extract (a)) and (ii) in response to either solicited or unsolicited informings (see Extracts (b) and (c), respectively). In both contexts, nein/nee and na mark unexpectedness and open up an opportunity space for more, but they do so in different ways and with different outcomes. Nein/nee- and na-turns after disconfirming, often minimal responses to first-position confirmable turns mark the prior as unexpected (or even contrasting with the nein/nee/na-speaker’s expectations) and thus as expandable/accountable (cf. Ford 2001; Gubina/Betz 2021). Nein/nee/na-turns after informings (e.g., announcements that display a story teller’s negative emotional stance) differ not only in sequential position but also in prosodic realization. They can be either falling or rising, but all are characterized by marked prosody, i.e., lengthening, very low onset, smiling or breathy voice, or high overall pitch. Through position and turn design features, such nein/nee- and na-turns not only mark a prior turn as counter to (normative) expectations, but may also display the speaker’s affective stance and affiliate with the affective stance of the prior interactant. By comparing the use of nein/nee and na in German and Persian in the two functions illustrated in Extracts (a) and (b/c), we will show (i) how nein/nee- and na-turns shape interactional trajectories after responsive actions and (ii) what role the particles play in managing news and stance-taking as well as epistemic and affective positioning. Apart from revealing similarities in the use of German and Persian negation particles, the results of our crosslinguistic comparison will demonstrate that even if different languages have similar practices for specific actions, the use of these practices is language- and culture-specific. This means that even similar practices in different languages have their own “collateral effects” (Sidnell/Enfield 2012), linguistic and prosodic characteristic features, and, at least sometimes, consequences for social actions accomplished in the specific language (e.g., Dingemanse/Blythe/Dirksmeyer 2014; Evans/Levinson 2009; Floyd/Rossi/Enfield (eds.) 2020; Fox et al. 2009). Our study uses the method of Conversation Analysis (Sidnell/Stivers (eds.) 2013) and draws on more than 80 hours of audio and video recordings of spontaneous interactions (co-present, via video link, and on the telephone) in everyday and institutional contexts.
Morphophonological asymmetries in affixation concern systematic correlations between morphological properties of affixes (e.g. combination with bound versus free stems, position relative to stem (suffixes versus prefixes)) and their phonological properties (e.g. stress behaviour). The arguably most insightful approach to capturing relevant asymmetries invokes a notion of affix coherence, first introduced by Dixon in connection with his work on Yidiɲ, a nearly extinct language spoken in Northern Australia. This notion is based on a categorical division of affixes into ones that integrate into the phonological word of the stem and ones that do not. The integration of affixes is envisioned as being fully determined by phonological and morphological structure in a given language and verifiable by diagnostics relevant to phonological word domains (primarily the syllable and the foot structure). The assumption of two types of prosodic domains characterized by integrated versus non-integrated affixes is manifest in consistent asymmetries that pertain to morphophonological, phonological, and phonetic rules. This consistency constitutes compelling evidence for the structure-based analysis of the impact of various affixes on derived words, as opposed to alternative approaches to capturing these effects by associating affixes with diacritics (morpheme versus word boundary, class 1 versus class 2, stratum 1 versus stratum 2). The present entry aims to demonstrate, mostly on the basis of data from Germanic languages, the breadth of the empirical evidence in support of a fundamental role of affix coherence. Moreover, it aims to draw attention to the various implications of affix coherence for modeling relevant generalizations, in particular the necessary reference to a level of phonological representation characterized by a specific degree of abstractness (‘phonemic’).
Die erfolgreiche Wiederverwendung gesprochener Korpora muss fachspezifischen Evaluationskritierien genügen und erfordert daher eine flexible Korpusarchitektur, die durch multirepräsentationale (Verfügbarkeit eines akustischen Signals und einer Transliteration) und multisituationale Daten (Variabilität von Situationen bzw. Aufgaben) gekennzeichnet ist. Diese Kriterien werden in einer Fallstudie zur /eː/-Diphthongisierung polnischer Deutschlerner/-innen angewendet und diskutiert. Die Fallstudie repliziert die Ergebnisse der /eː/-Diphthongisierung bei Bildbenennungen von Nimz (2016). Vor der Wiederverwendung werden weitere fachspezifische Evaluationskriterien überprüft, wie Multisituationalität, Aufnahmequalitäten, Erweiterbarkeit, vorhandene Metadaten und vorhandene Dokumentation. Nach der Replikationsstudie werden die Herausforderungen für eine Umsetzung der Wiederverwendung bezüglich Datenmanagement, Workflows und Data Literacy in Forschungs- und Lehrkontexten diskutiert.
The shortening of linguistic expressions naturally involves some sort of correspondence between short forms and (some portion of) the respective full forms. Based mostly on data from English and Hebrew this article explores the hypothesis that such correspondence concerns necessary sameness of symbolic form, referring either to graphemic or to a specific level of phonological representation. That level indicates a degree of abstractness defined by language-specific contrastiveness (i.e. “phonemic”). Reference to written form can be shown to be highly systematic in certain contexts, including cases where full forms consist of multiple stems. Specific asymmetries pertaining to the targeting of material by correspondence (e.g. initial vs. non-initial position) appear to be alike for both types of representation, a claim supported by a study based on a nomenclature strictly confined to writing (chemical element symbols).
Identity effects in phonology are deviations from regular phonological form (i.e. canonical patterns) which are due to the relatedness between words. More specifically, identity effects are those deviations which have the function to enhance similarity in the surface phonological form of morphologically related words. In rule-based generative phonology the effects in question are described by means of the cycle. For example, the stress on the second syllable in cond[ɛ]nsation as opposed to the stresslessness of the second syllable in comp[ǝ]nsation is described by applying the stress rules initially to the sterns thereby yielding condénse and cómpensàte. Subsequently the stress rules are reapplied to the affixed words with the initial stress assignment (i.e. stress on the second syllable in condense, but not in compensate) leaving its mark in the output form (cf. Chomsky and Halle 1968). A second example are words like lie[p]los 'unloving' in German, which shows the effects of neutralization in coda position (i.e. only voiceless obstruents may occur in coda position) even though the obstruent should 'regularly' be syllabified in head position (i.e. bl is a wellformed syllable head in German). Here the stern is syllabified on an initial cycle, obstruent devoicing applies (i.e. lie[p]) and this structure is left intact when affixation applies (i.e. lie[p ]Ios ) (cf. Hall 1992). As a result the stern of lie[p]los is identical to the base lie[p].
This paper presents observations on the phonetic realisations of the German particles ja – ‘yes’ and naja – approximately ‘well’. As part of a large-scale study on the particle ja, we identified numerous instances in the dataset that had been orthographically transcribed as ja, but were phonetically realised as [nja]. Using phonetic and functional parameters, we explore the question whether these instances can be attributed to either the lexeme ja or naja. While phonetic measurements yield ambivalent results, analyses of pragmatic parameters such as function and turn position seem to indicate that [nja] was predominantly intended to be ja, although some functional differences between ja and [nja] could also be identified.