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The project Referenzkorpus Altdeutsch (‘Old German Reference Corpus’) aims to es- tablish a deeply-annotated text corpus of all extant Old German texts. As the automated part-of-speech and morphological pre-annotation is amended by hand, a quality control system for the results seems a desirable objective. To this end, standardized inflectional forms, generated using the morphological information, are compared with the attested word forms. Their creation is described by way of example for the Old High German part of the corpus. As is shown, in a few cases, some features of the attested word forms are also required in order to determine as exactly as possible the shape of the inflected lemma form to be created.
The availability of electronic corpora of historical stages of languages has been wel- comed as possibly attenuating the inherent problem of diachronic linguistics, i.e. that we only have access to what has chanced to come down to us - the problem which was memorably named by Labov (1992) as one of “Bad Data”. However, such corpora can only give us access to an increased amount ot historical material and this can essentially still only be a partial and possibly distorted picture of the actual language at a particular period of history. Corpora can be improved by taking a more representative sample of extant texts if these are available (as they are in significant number for periods after the invention of printing). But, as examples from the recently compiled GerManC corpus of seventeenth and eighteenth century German show, the evidence from such corpora can still fail to yield definitive answers to our questions about earlier stages of a language. The data still require expert interpretation, and it is important to be realistic about what can legitimately be expected from an electronic historical corpus.
In this paper we present some preliminary considerations concerning the possibility of automatic parsing an annotated corpus for N-N compounds. This should in prin- ciple be possible at least for relational and stereotype compounds, if the lemmatization of the corpus connects the lemmata with lexical entries as described in Höhle (1982). These lexical entries then supply the necessary information about the argument structure of a relational noun or about the stereotypical purpose associated with the noun’s referent which can be used to establish a relation between the first and the head constituent of the compound.
The relative order of dative and accusative objects in older German is less free than it is today. The reason for this could be that speakers of the direct predecessor of Old High German organized the referents according to the Thematic Hierarchy. If one applies a Case Hierarchy Nom>Acc>Dat to this, the order Nom - Dat - Acc falls out. It becomes apparent that the status of the Thematic Hierarchy is not a factor governing underlying word order, but a factor inducing scrambling. Arguments from binding theory, whose validity is discussed, indicate that the underlying order is ‘accusative before dative’
Datensatz Schwache Maskulina
(2023)
Der Datensatz enthält eine Sammlung von 1.156 Substantiven (mit wenigen Ausnahmen Maskulina), die sich im Korpusgrammatik-Untersuchungskorpus (Bubenhofer et al. 2014), basierend auf dem Deutschen Referenzkorpus DeReKo (Kupietz et al. 2010, 2018), Release 2017-II, unmittelbar nach einem Beleg für die Akkusativ- oder Dativform des unbestimmten Artikels ( einen / einem ) mindestens einmal mit der “schwachen” Endung -(e)n belegen lassen (z.B. einen Aktivisten , einem Autoren ). Einzelheiten zur Datenerhebung in Weber & Hansen (2023).
This study explores the interdependence of qualitative and quantitative analysis in articulating empirically plausible and theoretically coherent generalizations about grammatical structure. I will show that the use of large electronic corpora is indispensable to the grammarian's work, serving as a rich source of semantic and contextual information, which turns out to be crucial in categorizing and explaining grammatical forms. These general concerns are illustrated by the patterns of use of Czech relative clauses (RC) with the non-declinable relativizer co, by taking a set of existing claims about these RCs and testing their accuracy on corpus material. The relevant analytic categories revolve around the referential type of the relativized noun, the interaction between relativization and deixis, and the semantic relationship between the relativized noun and the proposition expressed by the RC. The analysis demonstrates that some of the existing claims are fully invalid in the face of regularly attested semantic distinctions, while others are more or less on the right track but often not comprehensive or precise enough to capture the full richness of the facts. 1
Conversation is usually considered to be grammatically simple, while academic writing is often claimed to be structurally complex, associated primarily with a greater use of dependent clauses. Our goal in the present paper is to challenge these stereotypes, based on the results of large-scale corpus investigations. We argue that both conversation and professional academic writing are grammatically complex but that their complexities are dramatically different. Surprisingly, the traditional view that complexity is realized through extensive clausal embedding leads to the conclusion that conversation is more complex than academic writing. In contrast, written academic discourse is actually much more ‘compressed’ than elaborated, and the complexities of academic writing are realized mostly as phrasal embedding rather than embedded clauses.
Der Datensatz enthält 10.113 Korpusbelege für Konstruktionen, in denen ein Substantiv mit einem dass-Satz oder einem zu-Infinitiv auftritt (das Versprechen, dass man sich irgendwann wiedersieht vs. das Versprechen, sich irgendwann wiederzusehen).
Die Daten wurden erhoben aus:
1. dem Korpusgrammatik-Untersuchungskorpus (Bubenhofer et al. 2014), basierend auf dem Deutschen Referenzkorpus DeReKo (Kupietz et al. 2010, 2018), Release 2017-II.
2. dem Subkorpus “Forum” des DECOW16B-Webkorpus (Schäfer & Bildhauer 2012).