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„Actual words are of theoretical interest” (Audring 2021: 3). Unter Zugrundelegung dieser gebrauchsbasierten Prämisse geht der vorliegende Beitrag der Frage nach, wie sich die Nominalkomposition im Deutschen auf der Basis sprachlicher Massendaten als Konstruktionsfamilie, d.h. als ein hierarchisches Netzwerk von Konstruktionen unterschiedlichen Abstraktionsgrads, beschreiben lässt. Der Beitrag knüpft in theoretischer Hinsicht an Booijs (2010) „Construction Morphology” an, geht jedoch insofern über diese hinaus, als versucht wird, deren Grundannahmen auch auf automatisch erhobene sprachliche Massendaten anzuwenden. Konkret wird mit einem Inventar von rund 185.000 Zusammensetzungen aus zwei simplizischen Nomen gearbeitet, die systematisch aus dem Deutschen Referenzkorpus (DeReKo) (vgl. Leibniz-Institut für Deutsche Sprache 2007) extrahiert und im Anschluss (semi)automatisch weiterverarbeitet wurden.
Anhand einer korpusgestützten Untersuchung komplexer Adjektive mit dem Erstelement {gender-} mit DeReKoVecs wird gezeigt, welche Möglichkeiten zur differenzierten sprachlichen Integration von neuen Diskurselementen die Wortbildung des Adjektivs bietet. Gerade die zwischen den klassischen Typen Komposition und Derivation stehenden Techniken bieten hier eine erhebliche Bandbreite an Möglichkeiten.
The special issue opens up a construction-grammatical perspective on (German) word formation phenomena and goes back to a DFG-funded conference of the same name, which we held at the University of Düsseldorf in December 2020. The aim is to bundle up for the first time research from the field of German linguistics that is oriented towards construction grammar, and thus to lay the foundation for a 'Construction Word Formation' (cf. Booij 2010) also in the German-speaking world. Furthermore, ‘Construction Word Formation’ as a discipline shall hereby be sharpened. In this context, construction grammar should not be seen as a radical alternative to traditional word formation approaches that completely reinvents the wheel, but rather as a further development that builds on traditional concepts such as the pattern term with prominent consideration of usage-based aspects.
This chapter focuses on the formation of adverbs from a corpuslinguistic perspective, providing an overview of adverb formation patterns in German that includes frequencies and hints to productivity as well as combining quantitative methods and theoretically founded hypotheses to address questions that concern possible grammaticalization paths in domains that are formally marked by prepositional elements or inflectional morphology (in particular, superlative or superlative-derived forms). Within our collection of adverb types from the project corpus, special attention is paid to adverbs built from primary prepositions. The data suggest that generally, such adverb formation involves the saturation of the internal argument slot of the relation-denoting preposition. In morphologically regular formations with the preposition in final position, pronominal forms like da ‘there’, hier ‘here’, wo ‘where’ as well as hin ‘hither’ and her ‘thither’ serve to derive adverbs. On the other hand, morphologically irregular formations with the preposition – in particular: zu ‘to’ or vor ‘before, in front of’ – in initial posi-tion show traits of syntactic origin such as (remnants of) inflectional morphology. The pertaining adverb type dominantly saturates the internal argument slot by means of universal quantification that is part and parcel as well of the derivation of superlatives and demonstrably fuels the productivity of the pertaining formation pattern.
This chapter begins with a sketch of the specifics of our approach, an overview of the contents of the chapters on word formation and some methodological notes. It then discusses the general characteristics of word formations and of their overall inventory, comparing word formations to primary words. Furthermore, the chapter explores the relative frequencies of word formations in different vocabulary areas and traces the word formation profiles of individual parts of speech. Finally, it compiles the characteristic word formation rules for different parts of speech.
Perhaps the biggest challenge in derivational morphology is to reconcile morphological idiosyncrasy with semantic regularity. How can it be explained that words with dead affixes and irregulär allomorphy can nonetheless exhibit straightforward and stable semantic relations to their etymological bases (cf. strength ‘property of being strong’, obedience ‘act of obeying’, ‘property of being obedient’)? Theories based on the idea of capturing regularity in terms of synthetic rules for building up complex words out of morphemes along with rules for interpreting such structures in a compositional fashion have not made - and arguably cannot make - sense of this phenomenon. Taking the perspective of the learner in acquisition, I propose an alternative approach to meaning assignment based, not on syntagmatic relations among their constituent morphemes, but on paradigmatic relations between whole words. This approach not only explains the conditions under which meaning relations between words are expected to be stable but also accounts for another notorious mystery in derivational morphology, the frequent occurrence of total synonymy among affixes, as opposed to words.