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The special issue opens up a construction-grammatical perspective on (German) word formation phenomena and goes back to a DFG-funded conference of the same name, which we held at the University of Düsseldorf in December 2020. The aim is to bundle up for the first time research from the field of German linguistics that is oriented towards construction grammar, and thus to lay the foundation for a 'Construction Word Formation' (cf. Booij 2010) also in the German-speaking world. Furthermore, ‘Construction Word Formation’ as a discipline shall hereby be sharpened. In this context, construction grammar should not be seen as a radical alternative to traditional word formation approaches that completely reinvents the wheel, but rather as a further development that builds on traditional concepts such as the pattern term with prominent consideration of usage-based aspects.
Der vorliegende Aufsatz widmet sich zwei Kategorien der traditionellen (deutschen) Grammatik: dem Aufforderungssatz, einer der fünf klassischen Satzarten, und dem Imperativ, einer Verbform, die als typisch für Aufforderungssätze gilt. Er greift Beobachtungen aus der jüngeren Fachliteratur auf, die ein zunehmendes Unbehagen mit beiden Kategorien erkennen lassen. In morphologischer Hinsicht zeigt sich, dass nur wenige deutsche Verben eine eindeutige Imperativform besitzen. Manche Verben besitzen keine Imperativform. Bei der Mehrzahl der Verben besteht Homonymie zwischen Imperativformen und Konjunktivformen der 3. Person Singular. Imperativformen werden durch Konjunktivformen verdrängt. In syntaktischer Hinsicht wird argumentiert, dass Imperativsyntagmen keine Satzform haben. Satzförmige Ausdrücke mit Konjunktivformen, die für auffordernde Handlungen stehen, können als Wunschsätze kategorisiert werden. Als Aufforderungssätze bleiben zwei Klassen von Syntagmen im Grenzbereich zwischen nicht-satzförmigen und satzförmigen Ausdrücken übrig, die besondere Eigenschaften hinsichtlich Subjektbesetzung und Subjekt-Verb-Kongruenz zeigen.
Zum Verschmelzungsverhalten von definitem Artikel und Präposition in der Schriftsprache des Deutschen liegen bereits diverse Erkenntnisse vor, wohingegen die Kenntnislage für die gesprochene Sprache noch unzureichend ist. Die vorliegende Untersuchung widmet sich diesem Desiderat und analysiert Präposition-Artikel-Kombinationen anhand von Daten aus FOLK, um die linguistische Beschreibung dieser Struktur voranzutreiben. In der durchgeführten Korpusanalyse werden die Auftretenshäufigkeiten synthetischer und analytischer Präposition-Artikel-Kombinationen verglichen und Gebrauchsbesonderheiten auf syntaktisch-lexikalischer und pragmatischer Ebene herausgearbeitet.
Der vorliegende Beitrag vergleicht die Verwendung der anglizistischen Nomination old school und der nativen Entsprechung Alte Schule im Hip-Hop-Subkorpus des Songkorpus (Schneider 2020). Dieser Vergleich erfolgt auf zwei Ebenen: Zum einen wird die diskurs-spezifische Verwendung anhand eines adaptierten Analyse-Frameworks für Hip-Hop-Texte von Androutsopoulos und Scholz (2002) untersucht, zum anderen wird der syntaktische und morphologische Gebrauch in den Deutschraptexten analysiert. Dabei zeigt sich, dass es jeweils spezifische Verwendungstendenzen auf diskursiver Ebene gibt, die wesentlichsten Unterschiede aber in der syntaktischen und morphologischen Verwendung auftreten, allen voran in der höheren Produktivität der anglizistischen Nomination. Es wird dafür argumentiert, dass sich dies unter anderem auf sprachstrukturelle bzw. wortformale Spezifika des Englischen zurückführen lässt, wie den nicht vorhandenen Flexionssuffixen der Adjektive. Damit werden die in der Anglizismenforschung etablierten Überlegungen zu Verwendungsgründen um eine simple, aber gegebenenfalls folgenreiche Beobachtung ergänzt, die sich vor allem bei den sprachökonomischen Ansätzen einordnen lässt. Schließlich wird darüber auf diskursiver Ebene wiederum auch ein Bezug zu terminologischen Vorteilen hergeleitet: Trotz flexibler Verwendung wird das schriftliche Abbild bei Wortbildungen geschont (Oldschoolstyle, Oldschool-Aufnahmen, Oldschooler), was für die Wiedererkennbarkeit des Diskurselements – neben der zusätzlichen Auszeichnung durch die Eigenschaft ‚fremdsprachig‘ – zuträglich sein könnte.
This paper focuses on so called syntactic projection phenomena in the German language. This term from the German Gesprächsforschung is used to define the fact that an utterance or part of it foreshadows another one. This paper aims at pointing out how such projection phenomena are consciously exploited for rhethorical purposes. This will be observed on the basis of excerpts from the Stuttgart 21 mediation talks. The linguistic analysis carried out in this paper will focus on syntactic projection phenomena involving the use of causal adverbial connectives deshalb and deswegen.
This paper aims at investigating the usage of present subjunctive (Konjunktiv I), which is traditionally labelled as a feature of standard written language and therefore as typically occurring in communication genres based on it such as press texts and reporting, in everyday spoken German. Through an analysis of corpus data performed according to theory and method of Interactional Linguistics and encompassing private, institutional and public interactional domains, the paper will show how this particular verb form expresses different epistemic stances according to its syntactic embedment.
In English, past tense stative clauses embedded under a past-marked attitude verb, like Eric thought that Kalina was sick, can receive two interpretations, differing on when the state of the complement is understood to hold, i.e. Kalina’s sickness precedes the time of Eric’s thinking (backward-shifted reading), or Kalina is sick at the time of Eric’s thinking (simultaneous reading). As is well known, the availability of the simultaneous reading—also called Sequence of tense (SOT)—is subject to cross-linguistic variation. Non-SOT languages only allow for the backward-shifted interpretation. This cross-linguistic variation has been analysed in two main ways in the literature: a structural approach, connecting the availability of the simultaneous reading in a language to a syntactic mechanism that allows the embedded past not to be interpreted; and an implicature approach, which links the absence of such a reading to the presence of a “cessation” implicature associated with past tense. We report a series of experiments on Polish, which is commonly classified as a non-SOT language. First, we investigate the interpretation of complement clauses embedded under past-marked attitude verbs in Polish and English. This investigation revealed a difference between these two languages in the availability of simultaneous interpretations for past-under-past complement clauses, albeit not as large as a binary distinction between SOT and non-SOT languages would lead us to expect. We then address the question of whether the lower acceptability we observe for simultaneous readings in Polish might be due to an embedded cessation implicature. On the way to address this question, we show that in simple matrix clauses, Polish gives rise to the same cessation inference as English. Then we investigate Polish past-under-past sentences in positive and negative contexts, comparing their potential cessation implicature to the exclusive implicature of disjunction. In our results, we found that the latter was endorsed more often in positive than in negative contexts, as expected, while the cessation implicature was endorsed overall very little, with no difference across contexts. The disanalogy between the disjunction and the temporal cases, and the insensitivity of the latter to monotonicity, are a challenge for the implicature approach, and cast doubts on associating SOT phenomena with implicatures.
In conversation, interlocutors rarely leave long gaps between turns, suggesting that next speakers begin to plan their turns while listening to the previous speaker. The present experiment used analyses of speech onset latencies and eye-movements in a task-oriented dialogue paradigm to investigate when speakers start planning their responses. German speakers heard a confederate describe sets of objects in utterances that either ended in a noun [e.g., Ich habe eine Tür und ein Fahrrad (“I have a door and a bicycle”)] or a verb form [e.g., Ich habe eine Tür und ein Fahrrad besorgt (“I have gotten a door and a bicycle”)], while the presence or absence of the final verb either was or was not predictable from the preceding sentence structure. In response, participants had to name any unnamed objects they could see in their own displays with utterances such as Ich habe ein Ei (“I have an egg”). The results show that speakers begin to plan their turns as soon as sufficient information is available to do so, irrespective of further incoming words.
This paper aims to describe different patterns of syntactic extensions of turns-at-talk in mundane conversations in Czech. Within interactional linguistics, same-speaker continuations of possibly complete syntactic structures have been described for typologically diverse languages, but have not yet been investigated for Slavic languages. Based on previously established descriptions of various types of extensions (Vorreiter 2003; Couper-Kuhlen & Ono 2007), our initial description shall therefore contribute to the cross-linguistic exploration of this phenomenon. While all previously described forms for continuing a turn-constructional unit seem to exist in Czech, some grammatical features of this language (especially free word order and strong case morphology) may lead to problems in distinguishing specific types of syntactic extensions. Consequently, this type of language allows for critically evaluating the cross-linguistic validity of the different categories and underlines the necessity of analysing syntactic phenomena within their specific action contexts.
The term “pivot” usually refers to two overlapping syntactic units such that the completion of the first unit simultaneously launches the second. In addition, pivots are generally said to be characterized by the smooth prosodic integration of their syntactic parts. This prosodic integration is typically achieved by prosodic-phonetic matching of the pivot components. As research on such turns in a range of languages has illustrated, speakers routinely deploy pivots so as to be able to continue past a point of possible turn completion, in the service of implementing some additional or revised action. This article seeks to build on, and complement, earlier research by exploring two issues in more detail as follows: (1) what exactly do pivotal turn extensions accomplish on the action dimension, and (2) what role does prosodic-phonetic packaging play in this? We will show that pivot constructions not only exhibit various degrees of prosodic-phonetic (non-)integration, i.e., differently strong cesuras, but that they can be ordered on a continuum, and that this cline maps onto the relationship of the actions accomplished by the components of the pivot construction. While tighter prosodic-phonetic integration, i.e., weak(er) cesuring, co-occurs with post-pivot actions whose relationship to that of the pre-pivot tends to be rather retrospective in character, looser prosodic-phonetic integration, i.e., strong(er) cesuring, is associated with a more prospective orientation of the post-pivot’s action. These observations also raise more general questions with regard to the analysis of action.