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As open class repair initiators (OCRIs, e.g., “what” or “huh”) do not specify the type of repairable, choosing an adequate repair format in the next turn becomes a practical problem for the participants. Whereas in monolingual/L1 speaker conversations participants typically orient towards troubles caused by reduced acoustic intelligibility or by topical/sequential disjunction, in multilingual/L2 interactions possible problems regarding asymmetric language choices and skills can be added – and might be responded to accordingly. Based on videotaped international business meetings and interactions at a customs post, this paper investigates various open class and embodied other-initiations of repair. By means of a conversation analytical and multimodal approach to social interaction, this contribution focuses first on instances of audible OCRIs and illustrates that they are accompanied by embodied conduct. Second, two types of embodied other-initiation of repair are scrutinized: a lifted eyebrows/head display and a freeze display in which movements are suspended. The analysis shows that participants treat these as referring either to troubles in hearing (display 1) or to troubles in understanding the linguistic format (display 2). This leads to the formulation of further desiderata and analytical challenges regarding the multimodal other-initiation of repair in general and in professional international settings in particular.
Cet article se penche sur un épisode radiophonique durant lequel deux animateurs effectuent un coming out hétérosexuel à l’occasion de la journée internationale du coming out (11 octobre). Dans une perspective issue de l’analyse conversationnelle d’inspiration ethnométhodologique, il étudie une collection d’occurrences de coming out, permettant non seulement d’identifier un format séquentiel récurrent et la manière dont il contribue à l’efficacité de la pratique, mais aussi de réfléchir à la façon dont il peut être utilisé dans différents contextes sociaux, notamment médiatisés et médiatiques. En particulier, l’article montre comment la pratique est au service d’une émission radiophonique sur le coming out et prépare la transition vers le traitement de l’homosexualité à la radio. Grâce à un enregistrement vidéo du travail des animateurs dans le studio de radio, l’article décrit la façon dont le thème de la journée internationale du coming out est fabriqué et orchestré dans les coulisses de la radio et sur les ondes. Ce faisant, il montre la contribution d’une analyse conversationnelle à l’approche du coming out dans les études de genre – où la pratique est largement discutée mais sans être analysée sur la base d’occurrences documentées. L’article revient ainsi sur l’épistémologie du closet chère à Eve Sedgwick, en proposant une anatomie du coming out en contexte médiatisé, qui en éclaire les enjeux non seulement épistémiques mais aussi de normativisation, publicisation et spectacularisation.
Der vorliegende Beitrag befasst sich mit Erzählen in seiner massenmedialen Vermittlung in einer Unterhaltungsendung im Fernsehen. Ziel ist es, anhand einer multimodalen und medienlinguistischen Analyse eines exemplarischen Ausschnitts aus der TV-Unterhaltungssendung "Zimmer frei" die Spezifik solcher massenmedialen Erzählungen herauszuarbeiten. Zum einen wird aufgezeigt, dass sich massenmediales Erzählen in seinem sequenziellen Auf- und Ausbau aufgrund seiner Einbindung in ein mediales Unterhaltungsformat in systematischer Weise von Alltagserzählungen unterscheidet. Zum anderen wird veranschaulicht, inwieweit theatrale Inszenierungs- und Aufführungsmittel der Fernsehproduktion die Aktivität des Erzählens mitkonstituieren. Erzählungen im Fernsehen, so die analyseleitende Prämisse, können nicht schlicht als durch das Fernsehen übertragene narrative Aktivitäten konzeptualisiert werden. Vielmehr sind sie durch eine mediale Theatralität mitgeprägt. (Para)verbale, körperliche und mediale Inszenierungs- und Aufführungsverfahren greifen konzertiert ineinander, um Erzählungen als "dramas to an audience" (Goffman 1974:508) hervorzubringen.
In this chapter, I will focus on the phenomenon of drop out, i.e., withdrawal from the turn due to overlapping talk, in order to reflect on the link between “unfinished” turns and participation framework. With the help of a sequential and multimodal analysis inspired by the conversation analytical approach, I will show that dropping out from a turn is strongly linked to the availability displayed by potential recipients of a turn-at-talk. Although conversation analysis has described in detail the systematics of overlapping talk, especially of its onset (Jefferson 1973, 1983, 1986) and its resolution (Scheg-loff 2000; Jefferson 2004), the phenomenon of withdrawal from a turn due to simultaneous talk has not been investigated in detail. While it seems to bedifficult to describe this interactional practice by referring exclusively to syntactic features (incompleteness of the turn), I suggest looking at turn withdrawal from a multimodal perspective (e.g. Goodwin 1980, 1981; Mondada2007a; Schmitt 2005), taking into account visible resources like gaze or gesture. The problem of continuing or stopping a turn-in-progress in overlapping talk can be closely linked to the participation framework (Goodwin and Goodwin 2004), as speakers do visibly take into account their recipient’s availability and coordinate their turn construction with the dynamic changes of the participation framework and the interactional space.
This study investigates other-initiated repair and its embodied dimension in casual English as lingua franca (ELF) conversations, thereby contributing to the further understanding of multimodal repair practices in social interaction. Using multimodal conversation analysis, we focus on two types of restricted other-initiation of repair (OIR): partial repeats preceded or followed by the question word what (i.e., what X?/X what?) and copular interrogative clauses (i.e., what is X). Partial repeats with what produced with rising final intonation are consistently accompanied by a head poke and treated as relating to troubles in hearing, with the repair usually consisting of a repeat. In contrast to these partial repeats, copular interrogative clauses are produced with downward final intonation and accompanied by face-related embodied conduct. The what is X OIRs primarily target code-switched lexical items, the understanding of which is critical for maintaining the repair initiator’s involvement in the ongoing sequence. This study also contributes some general reflections on the possible complexity of OIR and repair practices from a multimodal perspective.
This contribution investigates the use of the Czech particle jako (“like”/“as”) in naturally occurring conversations. Inspired by interactional research on unfinished or suspended utterances and on turn-final conjunctions and particles, the analysis aims to trace the possible development of jako from conjunction to a tag-like particle that can be exploited for mobilizing affiliative responses. Traditionally, jako has been described as conjunction used for comparing two elements or for providing a specification of a first element [“X (is) like Y”]. In spoken Czech, however, jako can be flexibly positioned within a speaking turn and does not seem to operate as a coordinating or hypotactic conjunction. As a result, prior studies have described jako as a polyfunctional particle. This article will try to shed light on the meaning of jako in spoken discourse by focusing on its apparent fuzzy or “filler” uses, i.e., when it is found in a mid-turn position in multi-unit turns and in the immediate vicinity of hesitations, pauses, and turn suspensions. Based on examples from mundane, video-recorded conversations and on a sequential and multimodal approach to social interaction, the analyses will first show that jako frequently frames discursive objects that co-participants should respond to. By using jako before a pause and concurrently adopting specific embodied displays, participants can more explicitly seek to mobilize responsive action. Moreover, as jako tends to cluster in multi-unit turns involving the formulation of subjective experience or stance, it can be shown to be specifically designed for mobilizing affiliative responses. Finally, it will be argued that the potential of jako to open up interactive turn spaces can be linked to the fundamental comparative semantics of the original conjunction.
This paper investigates self-initiated uses of mobile phones (such as texting or making a call) in everyday video-recorded conversations among Czech speakers. Using ethnomethodological conversation analysis, it illustrates how participants publicly frame their own device use (for example, by announcements), and how co-present interlocutors respond to it. Previous studies have described how participants manage two concurrent communicative involvements, but have not provided detailed sequential descriptions of how device use can be negotiated and accounted for. This study shows that mobile device use in co-presence is not a priori problematic (or vice versa). Instead, participants frame their technology use in different ways according to various features of the social situation they treat as momentarily relevant. These features include the course of the conversation and how the device use relates to it, the overall participation framework and the opacity of the device use for co-present others.
This article examines how the most frequent imperative forms of the verb to show in German (zeig mal) and Czech (ukaž) are deployed in object-centred sequences. Specifically, it focuses on smartphone-based showing activities as these were the main sequential environments of show imperatives in the datasets investigated. In both languages, the imperative form does not merely aim to elicit a responsive action from the smartphone holder (such as making the device available) but projects an individual course of action from the requester’s side in the form of an immediate visual inspection of the digital content. This inspection is carried out as part of a joint course of action, allowing the recipient to provide a more detailed response to a prior action. Therefore, this specific imperative form is proven to be cross-linguistically suited to technology-mediated inspection sequences.
Dans le cadre de l’ethnométhodologie et de l’analyse conversationnelle, cet article s’intéresse à la production de la parole radiophonique en contexte, telle qu’elle est accomplie en temps réel et de manière située, incarnée et soutenue technologiquement dans le studio. Il vise ainsi à replacer la parole radiophonique dans son écologie matérielle et à l’aborder dans ses processus de production plutôt que comme un produit fini. L’analyse se focalise sur les instants qui précèdent immédiatement la prise de parole des animateurs, sur le moment où ils procèdent aux derniers échanges coordonnant leur parole à l’antenne et où ils mobilisent une série de ressources technologiques juste avant le passage au direct : ils précisent ou confirment les dernières prises de décision concernant ce qu’ils vont dire et la manière de le dire, prennent en main leur casque, le mettent, arrangent le micro, effectuent les derniers réglages de régie. Ce moment révèle les arrangements technologiques – dans la mobilisation de plusieurs artefacts - et interactionnels – dans la mise en œuvre de procédés de coordination et d’ajustement mutuel - complexes qui rendent possible la parole en direct.
In German oral discourse, previous research has shown that okay can be used both as a response token (e.g., for agreeing with the previous turn or for claiming a certain degree of understanding) and as a discourse marker (e.g., for closing conversational topics or sequences and/or indicating transitions). This contribution focuses on the use of okay as a response token and how it is connected with the speakers’ interactional state of knowledge (their understanding, their assumptions etc.). The analysis is based on video recorded everyday conversations in German and a sequential, micro-analytic approach (multimodal conversation analysis). The main function of conversational okay in the selected data set is related to indicating the acceptance of prior information. By okay, speakers however claim acceptance of a piece of information that they can’t verify or check. The analysis contrasts different sequences containing okay only with sequences in which change-of-state tokens such as ah and achso co-occur with okay. This illustrates that okay itself does not index prior information as new, and that it is not used for agreeing with or for confirming prior information. Instead it enables the speaker to adopt a kind of neutral, “non-agreeing” position towards a given piece of information.