Refine
Document Type
- Article (2)
- Conference Proceeding (1)
Language
- English (3)
Has Fulltext
- yes (3)
Is part of the Bibliography
- no (3)
Keywords
- Stimmgebung (3) (remove)
Publicationstate
Reviewstate
- Peer-Review (2)
Evaluation of Phonatory Behavior of German and French Speakers in Native and Non-native Speech
(2016)
Phonatory behavior of German speakers (GS) and French speakers (FS) in native (L1) and non-native (L2) speech was instrumentally examined. Vowel productions of the two groups were analyzed using a parametrization of phonatory behaviour and phonatory quality properties in the acoustic signal. The behavior of GS is characterized by more strained adduction of the vocal folds whereas FS show more incomplete glottal closure. Furthermore, GS change their phonatory behavior in the foreign language (=French) by adapting phonatory strategies of FS, whereas FS do not show this tendency. In addition, German beginners (BEG) and partly German advanced learners (ADV) are already orientated on production characteristics of the L2. French BEG however retain their phonatory behavior in L2 (=German) by showing less vocal fold adduction in comparison to their L1. French ADV show the opposite behavior. Finally, ADV of the two speaker groups generally show more strained behavior in L2 productions than BEG. The results provide evidence that GS and FS apply different laryngeal phonatory settings and that they altered their settings in L2 differently. Perceptual evaluation of voice quality of the speech material and a correlation analysis between acoustic and perceptual results are suggested for future research.
Jaw and Order
(2007)
It is well-accepted that the jaw plays an active role in influencing vowel height. The general aim of the current study is to further investigate the extent to which the jaw is active in producing consonantal distinctions, with specific focus on coronal consonants. Therefore, tongue tip and jaw positions are compared for the German coronal consonants Is, J, t, d, n, 1/, that is, consonants having the same active articulators (apical/laminal) but differing in manner of articulation. In order to test the stability of articulatory positions for each of these coronal consonants, a natural perturbation paradigm was introduced by recording two levels of vocal effort: comfortable, and loud without shouting. Tongue and jaw movements of five speakers of German were recorded by means of EMMA during /aCa/ sequences. By analyzing the tongue tip and jaw positions and their spatial variability we found that (1) the jaw's contribution to these consonants varies with manner of articulation, and (2) for all coronal consonants the positions are stable across loudness conditions except for those of the nasal. Results are discussed with respect to the tasks of the jaw, and the possible articulatory adjustments that may accompany louder speech.
If more than one articulator is involved in the execution of a phonetic task, then the individual articulators have to be temporally coordinated with each other in a lawful manner. The present study aims at analyzing tongue-jaw cohesion in the temporal domain for the German coronal consonants /s, b, t, d, n, l/, i.e., consonants produced with the same set of articulators—the tongue blade and the jaw—but differing in manner of articulation. The stability of obtained interaction patterns is evaluated by varying the degree of vocal effort: comfortable and loud. Tongue and jaw movements of five speakers of German were recorded by means of electromagnetic midsagittal articulography _EMMA_ during /aCa/ sequences. The results indicate that _1_ tongue-jaw coordination varies with manner of articulation, i.e., a later onset and offset of the jaw target for the stops compared to the fricatives, the nasal and the lateral; (2) the obtained patterns are stable across vocal effort conditions; (3) the sibilants are produced with smaller standard deviations for latencies and target positions; and (4) adjustments to the lower jaw positions during the surrounding vowels in loud speech occur during the closing and opening movement intervals and not the consonantal target phases.