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„Actual words are of theoretical interest” (Audring 2021: 3). Unter Zugrundelegung dieser gebrauchsbasierten Prämisse geht der vorliegende Beitrag der Frage nach, wie sich die Nominalkomposition im Deutschen auf der Basis sprachlicher Massendaten als Konstruktionsfamilie, d.h. als ein hierarchisches Netzwerk von Konstruktionen unterschiedlichen Abstraktionsgrads, beschreiben lässt. Der Beitrag knüpft in theoretischer Hinsicht an Booijs (2010) „Construction Morphology” an, geht jedoch insofern über diese hinaus, als versucht wird, deren Grundannahmen auch auf automatisch erhobene sprachliche Massendaten anzuwenden. Konkret wird mit einem Inventar von rund 185.000 Zusammensetzungen aus zwei simplizischen Nomen gearbeitet, die systematisch aus dem Deutschen Referenzkorpus (DeReKo) (vgl. Leibniz-Institut für Deutsche Sprache 2007) extrahiert und im Anschluss (semi)automatisch weiterverarbeitet wurden.
Gegenstand des Beitrags sind korpuslinguistische Zugänge zur Variation im Auftreten des Fugenelements in Komposita aus zwei Nomen (Arbeit I s I weg). Die qualitative Vorstudie zeigt, dass die Verfügung nach Erstglied auf Vokal (Bühne I n I spiel, See I ufer) entgegen manchen Hinweisen aus bisherigen Korpusuntersuchungen sehr weitgehend linguistisch systematisierbar ist. Die Hauptstudie fokussiert dann die sehr variable Verfügung nach Erstglied auf Konsonant (Arbeit I s I weg vs. Heimat I art). Sie modelliert statistisch den Einfluss von Größen, deren Bedeutung in der bisherigen Forschung nur angenommen, aber nicht überprüft werden konnte. Dabei führt sie auch neue Einflussgrößen ein und gibt deutliche Hinweise darauf, dass die Variation in größerem Ausmaß als bisher vermutet einzelfallspezifisch geregelt ist.
Early New High German N+N compounds are notoriously difficult to identify. This is mostly due to formally similar or identical pronominal genitive constructions. Furthermore, what looks like a noun at first glance might sometimes be an affixoid, an adjective or a verb stem. The precise identification of compounds is not only relevant for researchers concerned with word-formation. It has consequences for corpus lemmatisation, lexicography and our understanding of the noun phrase, to name just a few areas. Compound identification has been tackled before (mostly by Pavlov [1983] and NITTA [1987]), but modern corpus linguistics allows for a better assessment of all factors involved. This paper reevaluates and outlines strategies to identify Early New High German compounds, aiming to serve as an easily adaptable guideline for future research.
The present paper explores the change in distribution and potential function as well as the interplay of two phenomena that occur at the internal boundaries of nominal compounds, namely linking elements and hyphenation. About 40% of present-day German compounds contain a linking element, most prominently -s- (e.g. Geburt-s-ort ‘birth place’). Numerous theories have been brought forward to explain its function, two of which are examined here: It will be shown that the linking-s tends to mark morphologically complex constituents while the assumption that it prefers marked phonological words cannot be corroborated.
Linked compounds in present-day German use hyphenation, a strategy that is mostly employed with graphematically or phonologically marked constituents, at a much smaller rate than unlinked compounds. In Early New High German (ENHG, 1350-1650), when the linked type arose by reanalyzing prenominal genitive attributes as first constituents of compounds, the reverse held true: Linked compounds underwent a gradual graphematic integration from separate writing into directly connected words which was partly reversed by a century of hyphenation (1650-1750). While hyphenation also occurred with unlinked compounds, the linked compounds show a striking preference with hyphenation rates reaching a peak at around 90%. It will be argued that ENHG hyphenation had the same function it has today, namely structuring constituents that are perceived as marked: The change in spelling between ENHG and today reflects the integration of a formerly syntactic and thereby marked pattern into word-formation.
Present-day German uses two formally different patterns of compounding in N+N compounds. The first combines bare stems (e.g. Tisch+decke ‘tablecloth’) while the second contains an intervening linking element (LE) as in Geburt-s-ort ‘birth-LE-place’. The linked compounding type developed in Early New High German (1350–1650) from phrasal constructions by reanalyzing genitive attributes as first constituents of compounds. The present paper uses corpus data to explore three key stages in this development: In the initial stage, it shows how prenominal non-specific genitive constructions lent themselves to reanalysis due to their functional overlap and formal similarity. Additionally, compounds seem to have replaced not only prenominal genitives, but also structurally different postnominal genitives. In the second stage, the new compounding pattern increases in productivity between 1500 and 1710, especially compared to the older pattern without linking elements. The last stage pertains to changes in spelling practice. It shows that linked compounds were written separately in the beginning. Their gradual graphematic integration into directly connected words was reversed by a century of hyphenation (1650–1750). This is strikingly different from present-day spelling practice and shows that the linked pattern was still perceived as marked.
This paper studies the morphological productivity of German N+N compounding patterns from a diachronic perspective. It argues that the productivity of compounds increases due to syntactic influence from genitive constructions (“improper compounds”) in Early New High German. Both quantitative and qualitative productivity measures are adapted from derivational morphology and tested on compound data from the Mainz Corpus of (Early) New High German (1500–1710).
This paper deals with the creation of the first morphological treebank for German by merging two pre-existing linguistic databases. The first of these is the linguistic database CELEX which is a standard resource for German morphology. We build on its refurbished and modernized version. The second resource is GermaNet, a lexical-semantic network which also provides partial markup for compounds. We describe the state of the art and the essential characteristics of both databases and our latest revisions. As the merging involves two data sources with distinct annotation schemes, the derivation of the morphological trees for the unified resource is not trivial. We discuss how we overcome problems with the data and format, in particular how we deal with overlaps and complementary scopes. The resulting database comprises about 100,000 trees whose format can be chosen according to the requirements of the application at hand. In our discussion, we show some future directions for morphological treebanks. The Perl script for the generation of the data from the sources will be made publicly available on our website.
Modeling the properties of German phrasal compounds within a usage-based constructional approach
(2017)
This paper discusses phrasal compounds in German (e.g.“Man-muss-doch-überalles-reden-können”-Credo, ‘one-should-be-able-to-talk-about-everything motto’). It provides the first empirically based investigation and description of this wordformation type within the theoretical framework of construction grammar. While phrasal compounds pose a problem for “traditional” generative approaches, I argue that a usage-based constructional model (e.g. Langacker 1987; Goldberg 2006) which takes into consideration aspects of frequency provides a suitable approach to modeling and explaining their properties. For this purpose, a large inventory of phrasal compounds was extracted from the German Reference Corpus (DeReKo) and modeled as pairings of form and meaning at different levels of specificity and abstractness within a bottom-up process.
Overall, this paper not only presents a new and original approach to phrasal compounds, but also offers interesting perspectives for dealing with composition in general.
Phrasenkomposita im Deutschen. Empirische Untersuchung und konstruktionsgrammatische Modellierung
(2015)
Phrasenkomposita wie Heile-Welt-Gerede oder "Ich-kann-Golf-Ski-und-Wandern-und-bin-schöner-als-die-andern"-Franz werden im Deutschen mit steigender Tendenz verwendet. Sie sind eine Herausforderung für die linguistische Beschreibung.
Der vorliegende Band präsentiert die erste umfassende Untersuchung von Phrasenkomposita. Seine besondere Leistung besteht darin, dass er sowohl eine grammatiktheoretische Modellierung als auch eine breit angelegte korpuslinguistische Untersuchung des Phänomens bietet. Den theoretischen Rahmen bildet ein konstruktionsgrammatischer Ansatz mit gebrauchsbasierter Ausrichtung. Basis für die induktive Datenerhebung ist das ‘Deutsche Referenzkorpus’ des Instituts für Deutsche Sprache, Mannheim. Die Ergebnisse zeigen zum einen, wie sich der konstruktionsgrammatische Ansatz gewinnbringend zur Beschreibung von Wortbildungsphänomenen einsetzen lässt. Zum anderen werden innovative Methoden (Analysemodell, Suchanfrage-Strategie zur induktiven Korpusabfrage) entwickelt, die für die Anwendung der Konstruktionsgrammatik auf authentische Sprachdaten benötigt werden.