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This article targets a distinctive kind of root structures in German formed by minimally two phrases but lacking an overt verbal predicate like i.a. die Guten ins Tröpfchen, die Schlechten ins Kröpfchen, jedem ein Bier or in den Müll mit dem Dreck. Certain instantiations of these patterns have been dubbed verblose Direktiva by Jacobs (2008) who provides an account in terms of construction grammar. Müller (2011), on the other hand, proposes an anti-passive analysis of the phenomenon. However, these apparent verbless root structures show conspicuous parallels in form and interpretation to another type of non-finite root structures in German, namely root infinitives. Both exclude an overt subject expression and both have a modal interpretation. Referring to these parallels, an analysis is elaborated which employs a empty verbal category. The overt consituents, then, are hosted by the (possibly extended) projection of the empty verb. Furthermore, this analysis captures a broader range of data, in particular instances formed by concatenated NPDAT-NPAKK or NPAKK-PP.
This paper has two distinct but interdependent goals. The empirical and analytical primary goal is to present a detailed overview of the patterns of (syntactico-semantic) argument structure and (morpho-syntactic) argument realization found with clause-embedding predicates in German. In particular, it will elucidate the observable relationships and dependencies between them, with a special focus on prepositional object clauses. The methodological secondary goal is to demonstrate the recently published ZAS Database of Clause-Embedding Predicates and illustrate its usefulness in approaching a concrete research agenda. The goals are aligned with each other because the data on patterns of argument structure and realization were collected using the database, and indeed the relevant questions could not have been investigated in such a thorough and efficient way without it. We will begin in Part 1 with an introduction to the database, its structure, and why and how it was created, before moving in Part 2 to the presentation of the data and analysis of argument structure and argument realization.
Negation raising and mood. A corpus-based study of Polish sądzić ‘think’ and wierzyć ‘believe’
(2021)
The paper describes the distribution of two negation raising predicates in Polish: sądzić ‛think’ and wierzyć ‛believe’ in the National Corpus of Polish with a particular focus on their morphosyntax and the mood of their clausal complements. The aim was to examine whether there are any correlations between these two parameters, and to what extent negation raising with those verbs exhibits performative features (in terms of Prince, 1976). The results of the study support the performative approach to negation raising as per Prince (1976) only for cases with subjunctive complements. The corpus findings further imply that Polish negation raising predicates encode two different degrees of (un)certainty concerning the truth of the embedded proposition depending on the mood of their complements. Structures with indicative complements express weaker uncertainty than structures with subjunctive complements.
Die Polysemie satzeinbettender Prädikate spielt eine wichtige Rolle fur deren Einbettungsverhalten. Konkret wird gezeigt, dass Polysemie mit struktureller Ambiguität als Kontroll- vs. Anhebungsverb assoziiert sein kann (Beispiel drohen/versprechen) und dass NEG-Raising auf bestimmte Lesarten eines polysemen Verbs beschränkt sein kann. Des Weiteren wird beleuchtet, welche Faktoren die syntaktische Flexibilität satzeinbettender Prädikate, d.h. das Einbettungspotenzial bzgl. der wichtigsten Satzkomplementtypen des Deutschen, begünstigen und welche Rolle dabei Umdeutungen (z.B. von bedauern zu 'mit Bedauern äußern'), die Polysemie induzieren, spielen. Alle betrachteten Phänomene deuten darauf hin, dass sie S-Selektion (semantische Selektion) eine zentrale Rolle in der Satzeinbettung spielt.
Aufbauende Operationen
(1997)
The paper discusses particular logical consistency conditions satisfied by German proposition-embedding predicates which determine the question type (external and internal whether-form as well as exhaustive and non-exhaustive wh-form), the correlate type (es- or da-correlate) as well as the impact of the correlate on the respective consistency condition. It will turn out that some consistency conditions also determine the embedding of verb second and subject-control.
Previous accounts addressing the question what semantic properties of a matrix predicate determine the possible clause type of the embedded clause have not provided a general answer (e.g. Grimshaw 1979, Zifonun et al. 1997, Ginzburg & Sag 2000). This paper proposes that clause-embedding predicates fulfill characteristic logical conditions, so-called consistency conditions, which rule the syntactic potential of the matrix clause: for instance, the clause type of the embedded clause (declarative, ob- and/or wh-interrogative) and the correlate type, the matrix predicate can co-occur with (es and/or ProPP). Furthermore, they predict the logical forms of legitimate constructions with embedded ob- or wh-interrogatives, respectively, and how a legitimate optional correlate modifies the meaning of the matrix predicate.