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We discuss the modal uses of the Hausa exclusive particle sai (≈ only). We argue that the distribution of sai in modal environments provides evidence for the following claims on the composition of modal meaning that have been independently made in the literature: i) Future-oriented modality involves a prospective aspect operator that can be realized covertly in some languages (e.g. English, Kratzer 2012b) and overtly in others (e.g. Gitksan, Matthewson 2012, 2013). ii) Necessity interpretations arise from exhaustifying possibilities, i.e. an exhaustivity operator applying to existential modality (e.g. Kaufmann 2012 for the case of imperatives and Leffel 2012 for a relevant analysis of necessity meaning in Masalit). We show that future-oriented necessity in Hausa decomposes into EXH((PROSP)), with sai contributing exhaustivity.
This contribution investigates the use of the Czech particle jako (“like”/“as”) in naturally occurring conversations. Inspired by interactional research on unfinished or suspended utterances and on turn-final conjunctions and particles, the analysis aims to trace the possible development of jako from conjunction to a tag-like particle that can be exploited for mobilizing affiliative responses. Traditionally, jako has been described as conjunction used for comparing two elements or for providing a specification of a first element [“X (is) like Y”]. In spoken Czech, however, jako can be flexibly positioned within a speaking turn and does not seem to operate as a coordinating or hypotactic conjunction. As a result, prior studies have described jako as a polyfunctional particle. This article will try to shed light on the meaning of jako in spoken discourse by focusing on its apparent fuzzy or “filler” uses, i.e., when it is found in a mid-turn position in multi-unit turns and in the immediate vicinity of hesitations, pauses, and turn suspensions. Based on examples from mundane, video-recorded conversations and on a sequential and multimodal approach to social interaction, the analyses will first show that jako frequently frames discursive objects that co-participants should respond to. By using jako before a pause and concurrently adopting specific embodied displays, participants can more explicitly seek to mobilize responsive action. Moreover, as jako tends to cluster in multi-unit turns involving the formulation of subjective experience or stance, it can be shown to be specifically designed for mobilizing affiliative responses. Finally, it will be argued that the potential of jako to open up interactive turn spaces can be linked to the fundamental comparative semantics of the original conjunction.
Aus Platzgründen musste in der Druckfassung des Artikels „Beobachtungen zu Frequenz und Funktionen von ja in deutscher Spontansprache“ (in: Deutsche Sprache 50, S. 336–363; https://doi.org/10.37307/j.1868-775X.2022.04.04) auf den Abdruck der illustrierenden Abbildungen 2–18 im Abschnitt 5.2 verzichtet werden. Das entsprechende Kapitel inklusive aller Abbildungen ist hier abrufbar.
Der Artikel präsentiert eine Untersuchung zur Häufigkeit und funktionalen Vielfalt der deutschen Partikel ja in einem Korpus 22 monomodaler Dialoge junger Frauen. Vor dem Hintergrund früherer Untersuchungen wird auf Grundlage einer umfangreichen, homogenen Stichprobe das komplexe kommunikative Verwendungsspektrum der Partikel dargestellt. Außerdem wird die Adäquatheit bisheriger funktionaler Aufschlüsselungen vor dem Hintergrund wenig oder gar nicht beschriebener Funktionaler Varianten diskutiert.
This paper presents observations on the phonetic realisations of the German particles ja – ‘yes’ and naja – approximately ‘well’. As part of a large-scale study on the particle ja, we identified numerous instances in the dataset that had been orthographically transcribed as ja, but were phonetically realised as [nja]. Using phonetic and functional parameters, we explore the question whether these instances can be attributed to either the lexeme ja or naja. While phonetic measurements yield ambivalent results, analyses of pragmatic parameters such as function and turn position seem to indicate that [nja] was predominantly intended to be ja, although some functional differences between ja and [nja] could also be identified.
Genau tritt im aktuellen Sprachgebrauch nicht nur in seiner klassischen Bedeutung als Adjektiv oder Adverb auf, sondern wird auch als Fokus- bzw. Gradpartikel sowie Gesprächspartikel verwendet. Bisherige Beschreibungen haben sich nur in geringem Maße und unter Verwendung heterogener Begriffe mit seinem interaktionalen Gebrauch auseinandergesetzt. In diesem Beitrag werden mit Hilfe eines sequenziellen und multimodalen Ansatzes verschiedene interaktionale Verwendungen von genau in Videoaufnahmen deutscher Alltagsgespräche untersucht. Ausgehend von seiner Funktion als Gradpartikel wird genau sowohl als redebeitragsinterne Bestätigungspartikel in Wortfindungsprozessen als auch als responsive Bestätigungspartikel eingesetzt. Da genau häufig das Ende eines Verstehensprozesses bzw. einer Wissensverhandlung markiert, könnte allgemeiner die Bezeichnung des Intersubjektivitätsmarkers in Erwägung gezogen werden. Aus dem responsiven, bestätigenden Gebrauch heraus entsteht eine stärker sequenzschließende und sequenzstrukturierende Funktion von genau, woraus sich auch der zunehmende Gebrauch dieses Lexems als rein diskursstrukturierende Partikel innerhalb eines Redezugs erklären könnte.
Comparaison de deux marqueurs d’affirmation dans des séquences de co-construction: voilà et genau
(2016)
This contribution investigates the German response particle genau and the French response particle voilà within collaborative turn sequences in videotaped ordinary conversations. Adopting a conversation analytic approach to cross-linguistic comparison, I will show that the basic epistemic value of both particles allows them to be used in similar sequential environments. When a co-participant formulates a candidate conclusion in environments where it can be easily inferred from previous talk, first speakers may confirm the adequacy of the pre-emptive completion by voilà or genau. These particles may then also be followed by self- or other-repeats. The analyses aim to illustrate that participants rely on a variety of practices in order to positively assess a pre-emptive completion, and to refute a supposed binary opposition of refusal vs. acceptance in the receipt slot.
This paper investigates evidence for linguistic coherence in new urban dialects that evolved in multiethnic and multilingual urban neighbourhoods. We propose a view of coherence as an interpretation of empirical observations rather than something that would be ‘‘out there in the data’’, and argue that this interpretation should be based on evidence of systematic links between linguistic phenomena, as established by patterns of covariation between phenomena that can be shown to be related at linguistic levels. In a case study, we present results from qualitative and quantitative analyses for a set of phenomena that have been described for Kiezdeutsch, a new dialect from multilingual urban Germany. Qualitative analyses point to linguistic relationships between different phenomena and between pragmatic and linguistic levels. Quantitative analyses, based on corpus data from KiDKo (www.kiezdeutschkorpus.de), point to systematic advantages for the Kiezdeutsch data from a multiethnic and multilingual context provided by the main corpus (KiDKo/Mu), compared to complementary corpus data from a mostly monoethnic and monolingual (German) context (KiDKo/Mo). Taken together, this indicates patterns of covariation that support an interpretation of coherence for this new dialect: our findings point to an interconnected linguistic system, rather than to a mere accumulation of individual features. In addition to this internal coherence, the data also points to external coherence: Kiezdeutsch is not disconnected on the outside either, but fully integrated within the general domain of German, an integration that defies a distinction of ‘‘autochthonous’’ and ‘‘allochthonous’’ German, not only at the level of speakers, but also at the level of linguistic systems.
Konnektoren
(2018)
Intensitätspartikeln
(2007)