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We discuss the modal uses of the Hausa exclusive particle sai (≈ only). We argue that the distribution of sai in modal environments provides evidence for the following claims on the composition of modal meaning that have been independently made in the literature: i) Future-oriented modality involves a prospective aspect operator that can be realized covertly in some languages (e.g. English, Kratzer 2012b) and overtly in others (e.g. Gitksan, Matthewson 2012, 2013). ii) Necessity interpretations arise from exhaustifying possibilities, i.e. an exhaustivity operator applying to existential modality (e.g. Kaufmann 2012 for the case of imperatives and Leffel 2012 for a relevant analysis of necessity meaning in Masalit). We show that future-oriented necessity in Hausa decomposes into EXH((PROSP)), with sai contributing exhaustivity.
Aus Platzgründen musste in der Druckfassung des Artikels „Beobachtungen zu Frequenz und Funktionen von ja in deutscher Spontansprache“ (in: Deutsche Sprache 50, S. 336–363; https://doi.org/10.37307/j.1868-775X.2022.04.04) auf den Abdruck der illustrierenden Abbildungen 2–18 im Abschnitt 5.2 verzichtet werden. Das entsprechende Kapitel inklusive aller Abbildungen ist hier abrufbar.
Der Artikel präsentiert eine Untersuchung zur Häufigkeit und funktionalen Vielfalt der deutschen Partikel ja in einem Korpus 22 monomodaler Dialoge junger Frauen. Vor dem Hintergrund früherer Untersuchungen wird auf Grundlage einer umfangreichen, homogenen Stichprobe das komplexe kommunikative Verwendungsspektrum der Partikel dargestellt. Außerdem wird die Adäquatheit bisheriger funktionaler Aufschlüsselungen vor dem Hintergrund wenig oder gar nicht beschriebener Funktionaler Varianten diskutiert.
This paper presents the corpus-based lexicographical prototype that was developed within the framework of the project Lexik des gesprochenen Deutsch (=LeGeDe) as a thirdparty funded project. Research results regarding the information offered in dictionaries have shown that there is a necessity for information on spoken lexis and its interactional functions. The resulting LeGeDe-prototype is based on these needs and desiderata and is thus an innovative example for the adequate representation of spoken language in online dictionaries. It is available online since September 2019 (https://www.owid.de/legede/). In the following sections, after first focusing on the presentation of the project’s goals, the data basis, the intended end user, and the applied methods, we will illustrate the microstructure of the prototype and the information provided in a dictionary entry based on the lemma eben. Finally, we will summarize innovative aspects that are important for the implementation of such a resource.
This article investigates the use of überhaupt and sowieso in German and Dutch. These two words are frequently classified as particles, if only because of their pragmatic functions. The frequent use of particles is considered a specific trait common to German and Dutch, and the description of their semantics and pragmatics is notoriously difficult. It is unclear whether both particles have the same meaning in Dutch (where they are loanwords) and German, whether they can fulfil the same syntactic functions and to what extent the (semantic and pragmatic) functions of überhaupt und sowieso overlap. There has already been linguistic research on überhaupt and sowieso by Fisseni (2009) using the world-wide web and by Bruijnen and Sudhoff (2013) using the EUROPARL corpus. In the present study we critically evaluated the corpus study, integrating information on original utterance language and discussing the adequacy of this corpus. Moreover, we conducted an experimental survey collecting subjective-intuitive judgements in three dimensions, thus gathering more data on sparse and informal constructions.
By using these complementary methods, we obtain a more nuanced picture of the use of überhaupt and sowieso in both languages: On the one hand, the data show where the use of both words is more similar and on the other hand, differences between the languages can also be discerned.
Im vorliegenden Beitrag werden auf der Grundlage authentischer Alltagsinteraktionen die Funktionsspektren der Modalpartikeln 'eben' und 'halt' beschrieben. Es wird dargelegt, dass die Partikeln keinesfalls synonym verwendet werden, sondern distinktive Verwendungen aufweisen. Für 'halt' zeigen sich die drei prominenten Verwendungsweisen i) der Kohärenzherstellung, ii) der Verweis auf gemeinsames Wissen und iii) der Einsatz zur informationsstrukturellen (Beitrags-)Gliederung. 'Eben' wird ebenfalls häufig zur Kohärenzherstellung eingesetzt, und trägt darüber hinaus besonders häufig als strategische Ressource zur rhetorischen Verstärkung einer Argumentation oder Schlussfolgerung bei. Abschließend werden die in der Literatur oft behauptete Ersetzbarkeit von 'halt' durch 'eben' und umgekehrt sowie die häufig zugeschriebene Konnotation von Unabänderlichkeit und Sprecherresignation diskutiert.
Most authors agree that modal particles - a dass of function words widely considered characteristic of Modem German - cannot receive prosodic stress, though the reasons for this restriction have not yet been satisfactorily explained. This paper argues that unstressability follows from the general contribution of modal particles to compositional utterance meaning, which requires them to take scope over focus-background structures. Form and function of modal particle meanings are modelled and illustrated for five representative examples - the particles wohl, ja, eigentlich, eben and halt. It is argued that these as well as other particles, whenever they occur under prosodic stress, cannot preserve the meaning nor the syntactic behaviour of modal particles. All instances of stressed particles in German must therefore be categorized in other functional classes.