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Tollpatschig interviewen oder interviewt werden – Kurzvideos im ukrainischen und deutschen Fernsehen
(2016)
Kurzinterviews im Fernsehen stellen nicht nur für die kontrastive Medienlinguistik, sondern auch für die Gesprächsanalyse, Textsortenlinguistik und Pragmatik einen aufschlussreichen Gegenstand dar, besonders wenn es sich um kommunikative Abweichungen handelt. Der Beitrag stellt die Klassifizierung der Abweichungen bzw. der Deviationen in den Fernsehinterviews in Bezug auf die Kommunikation und die Sprache vor. Dabei werden die Kommunikationsdeviationen vom Standpunkt des Adressanten, des Kommunikationsprozesses, des gegenseitigen Verständnisses und des Adressaten sowie sprachliche Abweichungen betrachtet. Im Beitrag werden gemeinsame und unterschiedliche Merkmale der Deviationen in ukrainischen und deutschen Kurzinterviews im Fernsehen festgestellt, was zur Erarbeitung eines Modells der Deviationen und zu einer tieferen kontrastiven Untersuchung beider Sprachen verhilft.
Das Forschungs- und Lehrkorpus für GesprochenesDeutsch (FOLK) ist ein Korpus des gesprochenen Deutsch in natürlichen sozialen Interaktionen, das seit 2008 in der Abteilung Pragmatik am Leibniz-Institut für Deutsche Sprache in Mannheim aufgebaut wird. FOLK besteht aus Audio- und Videoaufzeichnungen natürlicher Gespräche aus verschiedensten gesellschaftlichen Bereichen (private, institutionelle und öffentliche Interaktionsdomäne), die durch Transkription, weitere Annotationen und Metadaten-Dokumentation für korpusgestützte Analysen erschlossen und zur wissenschaftlichen Nutzung bereitgestellt werden. FOLK wird auf vielfältige Weise für Untersuchungen zum gesprochenen Deutsch genutzt, insbesondere in der Gesprächsforschung, der Korpuslinguistik und anwendungsorientierten Zweigen der Linguistik.
This paper focuses on so called syntactic projection phenomena in the German language. This term from the German Gesprächsforschung is used to define the fact that an utterance or part of it foreshadows another one. This paper aims at pointing out how such projection phenomena are consciously exploited for rhethorical purposes. This will be observed on the basis of excerpts from the Stuttgart 21 mediation talks. The linguistic analysis carried out in this paper will focus on syntactic projection phenomena involving the use of causal adverbial connectives deshalb and deswegen.
Der vorliegende Beitrag setzt sich mit dem computergestützten Transkriptionsverfahren arabisch-deutscher Gesprächsdaten für interaktionsbezogene Untersuchungen auseinander. Zunächst werden wesentliche methodische Herausforderungen der gesprächsanalytischen Arbeit adressiert: Hinsichtlich der derzeitigen Korpustechnologie ermöglicht die Verwendung von arabischen Schriftzeichen in einem mehrsprachigen, bidirektionalen Transkript keine analysegerechte Rekonstruktion von Reziprozität, Linearität und Simultaneität sprachlichen Handelns. Zudem ist die Verschriftung von arabischen Gesprächsdaten aufgrund der unzureichenden (gesprächsanalytischen) Beschäftigung mit den standardfernen Varietäten und gesprochensprachlichen Phänomenen erschwert. Daher widmet sich der zweite Teil des Beitrags den bisher erarbeiteten und erprobten Lösungsansätzen ̶ einem stringenten, gesprächsanalytisch fundierten Transkriptionssystem für gesprochenes Arabisch.
The paper deals with the process of computer-aided transcription regarding Arabic-German data material for interaction-based studies. First of all, it sheds light upon some major methodological challenges posed by the conversation-analytic approaches: due to current corpus technology, the reciprocity, linearity, and simultaneity of linguistic activities cannot be reconstructed in an analytically proper way when using the Arabic characters in multilingual and bidirectional transcripts. The difficulty of transcribing Arabic encounters is also compounded by the fact that Spoken Arabic as well as its varieties and phenomena have not been standardised enough (for conversation-analytic purposes). Therefore, the second part of this paper is dedicated to preliminary, self-developed solutions, namely a systematic method for transcribing Spoken Arabic.
The Lyon’s team research task consists in the study of the way in which multilingual resources are mobilized in team work within collaborative activities; how they are exploited in a specific way in order both to enhance collaboration and to respect the specificities of the members’ linguistic competences and practices within the team. Central to our analytical work, which is inspired by ethnomethodological conversation analysis, is the relationship between multilingual resources and the situated organization of linguistic uses and of social practices.
Our research task consists in the study of the way in which multilingual resources are mobilized in team work within collaborative activities; how they are exploited in a specific way in order both to enhance collaboration and to respect the specificities of the members’ linguistic competences and practices within the team. Central to our analytical work, which is inspired by ethnomethodological conversation analysis, is the relationship between multilingual resources and the situated organization of linguistic uses and of social practices. These two aspects are reflexively articulated, multilingual resources being shaped by the very contexts of their use and activities being constrained and thus structured by the available resources.
L’équipe de Lyon étudie la façon dont les ressources plurilingues sont mobilisées dans des activités collaboratives au sein du travail d’équipe. La démarche analytique est inspirée de l’Analyse Conversationnelle d’emprunte ethnomethodologique, et considère comme centrale la relation entre ressources plurilingues et organisation située des usages linguistiques et des pratiques sociales. Ces deux aspects sont réflexivement articulés, les ressources plurilingues étant modelées par leur contexte d’utilisation, et les activités étant mutuellement contraintes et structurées par les ressources disponibles.
Dieser Artikel schlägt eine Reflexion vor über die möglichen Konvergenzen zwischen einerseits einer linguistischen Betrachtungsweise der wissenschaftlichen Interaktion, welche empfänglich für die „analytische Mentalität“ der ethnomethodologisch beeinflussten Konversationsanalyse ist, und andererseits einer Betrachtungsweise der wissenschaftlichen Praktiken, wie sie von den social studies of science befürwortet wird, zu denen die ethnomethodologischen Untersuchungen der wissenschaftlichen Arbeit auf zentrale Weise beigetragen haben. Die nun folgende Überlegung wird nicht auf abstrakte Art vollzogen werden, sondern auf der Grundlage von empirischen Daten, bei denen es sich um Tonband- und Videoaufnahmen von Interaktionen zwischen Forschern bei der Ausübung ihrer alltäglichen wissenschaftlichen Arbeit handelt. Die analysierten Transkriptionsauszüge werden es uns ermöglichen, die grundsätzlichen Anfangsüberlegungen, die unserer Analysepraxis zugrunde liegen, konkret aufzuzeigen; wir werden unsere Aufmerksamkeit besonders auf diejenigen Methoden lenken, mittels derer die Interaktionspartner eines ersten Sprechers nach der Äußerung seiner Proposition mit dem Gespräch fortfahren, um diese erste Proposition anzunehmen, zu verändern oder abzulehnen. Eine solche empirische Durchmusterung wird es uns erlauben, die Art zu verdeutlichen, wie die interaktionalen Praktiken der Forscher in den Entstehungsprozess des wissenschaftlichen Wissens, in das Erscheinen von Argumenten, Thesen und Ideen eingreifen, die sich entweder durchsetzen und stabilisieren können oder aber die, im Gegenteil, instabil und kontrovers bleiben, d.h. die es schaffen oder umgekehrt es gerade nicht schaffen, sich in Wissensobjekten herauszukristallisieren.
Erzählen multimodal
(2018)
Special Issue: Mobile Medienpraktiken im Spannungsfeld von Öffentlichkeit, Privatheit und Anonymität
(2019)
In conversation, turn-taking is usually fluid, with next speakers taking their turn right after the end of the previous turn. Most, but not all, previous studies show that next speakers start to plan their turn early, if possible already during the incoming turn. The present study makes use of the list-completion paradigm (Barthel et al., 2016), analyzing speech onset latencies and eye-movements of participants in a task-oriented dialogue with a confederate. The measures are used to disentangle the contributions to the timing of turn-taking of early planning of content on the one hand and initiation of articulation as a reaction to the upcoming turn-end on the other hand. Participants named objects visible on their computer screen in response to utterances that did, or did not, contain lexical and prosodic cues to the end of the incoming turn. In the presence of an early lexical cue, participants showed earlier gaze shifts toward the target objects and responded faster than in its absence, whereas the presence of a late intonational cue only led to faster response times and did not affect the timing of participants' eye movements. The results show that with a combination of eye-movement and turn-transition time measures it is possible to tease apart the effects of early planning and response initiation on turn timing. They are consistent with models of turn-taking that assume that next speakers (a) start planning their response as soon as the incoming turn's message can be understood and (b) monitor the incoming turn for cues to turn-completion so as to initiate their response when turn-transition becomes relevant.
Speech planning is a sophisticated process. In dialog, it regularly starts in overlap with an incoming turn by a conversation partner. We show that planning spoken responses in overlap with incoming turns is associated with higher processing load than planning in silence. In a dialogic experiment, participants took turns with a confederate describing lists of objects. The confederate’s utterances (to which participants responded) were pre-recorded and varied in whether they ended in a verb or an object noun and whether this ending was predictable or not. We found that response planning in overlap with sentence-final verbs evokes larger task-evoked pupillary responses, while end predictability had no effect. This finding indicates that planning in overlap leads to higher processing load for next speakers in dialog and that next speakers do not proactively modulate the time course of their response planning based on their predictions of turn endings. The turn-taking system exerts pressure on the language processing system by pushing speakers to plan in overlap despite the ensuing increase in processing load.
To ensure short gaps between turns in conversation, next speakers regularly start planning their utterance in overlap with the incoming turn. Three experiments investigate which stages of utterance planning are executed in overlap. E1 establishes effects of associative and phonological relatedness of pictures and words in a switch-task from picture naming to lexical decision. E2 focuses on effects of phonological relatedness and investigates potential shifts in the time-course of production planning during background speech. E3 required participants to verbally answer questions as a base task. In critical trials, however, participants switched to visual lexical decision just after they began planning their answer. The task-switch was time-locked to participants' gaze for response planning. Results show that word form encoding is done as early as possible and not postponed until the end of the incoming turn. Hence, planning a response during the incoming turn is executed at least until word form activation.
Lors de la négociation située de l'alternance des tours de parole en interaction (Sacks, Schegloff et Jefferson, 1974), les participants s'orientent vers la complétude possible des unités de construction de tour. Grâce à une complétion différée d'un tour de parole précédent, un locuteur peut revendiquer son droit à la parole au-delà d'un tour intercalaire d'un autre locuteur. Cet article exploite différentes formes de cette "delayed completion" (Lerner, 1989) en français parlé. À l'aide du cadre théorique de l'Analyse conversationnelle (ten Have, 1999), nous démontrerons que ce procédé ne relève pas uniquement d'une alternance de tour de parole problématique, mais aussi de séquences collaboratives, qui sont en lien étroit avec le phénomène des constructions syntaxiques collaboratives. En s'intéressant à ces structures syntaxiques émergentes, il est possible de démontrer la négociation située et locale - tour par tour – du droit à la parole et de la dynamique de l'alternance des tours en conversation ordinaire. A base d'une collection d'extraits issus d'interactions naturelles enregistrées en audio ou en vidéo, différentes manières de revendiquer ou de partager son tour seront illustrées. Lors des analyses, une attention particulière sera dédiée à quelques phénomènes récurrents dans les séquences de complétion différée. Ainsi, l'exploitation de certaines conjonctions en tant que marqueurs discursifs ou la présence d'allongements vocaliques en fin du premier segment semblent indiquer des co-occurrences de ressources audibles spécifiques à différents types de complétion différée en conversation française.
Alors que de nombreuses études en analyse conversationnelle se sont intéressées à la manière dont des locuteurs co-construisent un tour de parole (notamment sur le plan syntaxique et prosodique), la façon dont la co-construction est ensuite évaluée n'a pas encore été étudiée en profondeur au sein de la littérature interactionniste. Ici, nous étudions deux pratiques permettant à un locuteur de valider une co-construction, à savoir l'acquiescement simple et l'hétéro-répétition de la complétion. En menant une analyse séquentielle et multimodale de plusieurs séquences de co-construction en français, nous montrons qu’à travers ces deux procédés – qui semblent au premier abord similaires dans leur fonctionnement – les locuteurs effectuent une évaluation très différente : tandis que l'acquiescement simple valide la complétion proposée uniquement comme une version possible, l'hétéro-répétition la valide comme étant une complétion complètement adéquate. Cette contribution met en évidence que les interactants exploitent des ressources audibles aussi bien que visibles afin de manifester si et dans quel sens ils acceptent la complétion de leur tour de parole de la part d’un coparticipant. Nous soulignons l’importance d’étudier en détail les différents formatages possibles des tours évaluant une complétion afin de pouvoir distinguer différentes formes « d’acceptation » et de révéler la manière dont les locuteurs peuvent finement négocier leur position en tant que (co-)auteur ou destinataire d’un tour de parole.
When humans have a conversation with one-another, they generally take turns speaking one after the other without overlapping each others talk or leaving silence between turns for long stretches of time. Previous research has shown that conversation is a structured practice following rules that help interlocutors to manage the flow of conversation interactively. While at the beginning of a conversation it remains open who will speak when about what and for how long, interlocutors regulate the flow of conversation as it unfolds. One basic set of rules that interlocutors operate with governs the allocation of speaking turns, with the central rule stating that whoever starts speaking first at a point in time when speaker change becomes relevant has the rights and obligations to produce the next turn. The organization of turn allocation, therefore, is one reason for conversational turn taking to be so remarkably fast, with the beginnings of turns most often being quite accurately aligned with the ends of the previous turns. Observations of this outstanding speed of turn taking gave rise to a number of questions concerning language processing in conversational situations. The studies presented in this thesis investigate some of these questions from the perspective of the current listener preparing to be the next speaker who will respond to the current turn.
The study presented in Chapter 2 investigates when next speakers begin to plan their own turn with respect to two points in time, (i) the moment when the incoming turn’s message becomes clear enough to make response planning possible and (ii) the moment when the incoming turn terminates. Results of previous studies were inconclusive about the timing of language planning in conversation, with evidence in favour of both late and early response planning. Furthermore, previous studies presented both evidence as well as counter evidence indicating that response planning depends or does not depend on an accurate prediction of the timing of the incoming turn’s end. The study presented here makes use of a novel experimental paradigm which includes a dialogic task that participants need to fulfil in response to critical utterances by a confederate. These critical utterances were structured, on the one hand, so that their message became clear either only at the end of the turn or before the end of the turn, and, on the other hand, so that it was either predictable or not predictable when exactly the turn would end. Participant’s eye-movements as well as their response latencies indicated that they always planned their next turn as early as possible, irrespective of the predictability of the incoming turn’s end. The presented results provide evidence in favour of models of turn taking that predict speech planning to happen in overlap with the incoming turn.
Having established that next speakers begin to plan their turn in overlap, the study presented in Chapter 3 goes more into detail investigating to which depth language planning progresses while the incoming turn is still unfolding. To this end, a number of psycholinguistic paradigms were combined. In the study’s main experiment, participants had to fulfil a switch-task in which they switched from picture naming in response to an auditorily presented question to making a lexical decision. By manipulating the relatedness of the word for lexical decision with the picture that was prepared to be named before the task-switch it was possible to draw inferences on which processing stages were entered during the speech production process in overlap with the incoming turn. Participants’ behavioural responses in the lexical decision task revealed that they entered the stage of phonological encoding while the incoming turn was still unfolding, showing that planning in overlap is not limited to conceptual preparation but includes all sub-processes of formulation.
Given that speech production regularly enters the stages of formulation in overlap with the incoming turn, as shown in Chapters 2 and 3, the question arises whether planning the next turn in overlap is cognitively more demanding than during the gap between turns. This question is approached in the study presented in Chapter 4 by measuring pupillometric responses of participants in a dialogic task. An increase in pupil diameter during a cognitive task is indicative of increased processing load, and pupillometric responses to planning in overlap with the incoming turn were found to be greater than responses to planning in the gap between turns. These results show that planning in overlap is more demanding than planning during the gap, even though it is highly practiced by speakers.
After Chapters 2 to 4 investigated the timing and mechanisms of speech planning in conversation, Chapter 5 turns towards the timing of articulation of a planned turn, asking the question what sources of information next speakers use to time the articulation of a planned utterance to start closely after the incoming turn comes to an end. In this Chapter’s study, participants taking turns with a confederate responded to utterances containing or not containing different cues to the location of the incoming turn’s end. Participants made use of lexical and turn-final intonational cues, but not of turn-initial intonational cues, responding faster when the relevant cues were present than when they were not present. These results show that the timing of turn initiation in next speakers depends on the recognition of the incoming turn’s point of completion and not merely on the progress in planning the next turn.
All evidence presented in Chapters 2 to 5 is summed up and bundled together in a cognitive model of turn taking, which is being presented in Chapter 6. This model assumes, centrally, that the planning of a turn and the timing of its articulation are separate cognitive processes that run in parallel in any next speaker during conversation. Planning generally starts as early as possible, often in overlap with the incoming turn, while the timing of articulation depends on the next speaker’s level of certainty that speaker change has become relevant at a particular moment, with a number of cues to the end of the incoming turn leading to an increase of certainty. Next turns are assumed to often be planned down to fully formulated utterance plans including their phonological form as early as possible on the basis of anticipations of the incoming turn’s message, which are created with the help of the general and situational knowledge about the world, the current speaker and her intentions, as well as the input that has been received so far. The level of certainty that speaker change becomes relevant rises or decreases as lexico-syntactic, prosodic, and pragmatic projections about the development of the current turn are fulfilled or not fulfilled. As the incoming turn progresses towards its end as was projected by the current listener, he becomes certain that speaker change becomes relevant and will initiate articulation of the prepared next turn. Viewing these two processes, planning a next turn and timing of its articulation, as separate makes it possible to explain the observable fast timing of turn taking while still modelling the allocation of turns as interactionally managed by interlocutors — a considerable advantage of the presented model compared to more traditional perspectives on turn taking and conversation.
In conversation, interlocutors rarely leave long gaps between turns, suggesting that next speakers begin to plan their turns while listening to the previous speaker. The present experiment used analyses of speech onset latencies and eye-movements in a task-oriented dialogue paradigm to investigate when speakers start planning their responses. German speakers heard a confederate describe sets of objects in utterances that either ended in a noun [e.g., Ich habe eine Tür und ein Fahrrad (“I have a door and a bicycle”)] or a verb form [e.g., Ich habe eine Tür und ein Fahrrad besorgt (“I have gotten a door and a bicycle”)], while the presence or absence of the final verb either was or was not predictable from the preceding sentence structure. In response, participants had to name any unnamed objects they could see in their own displays with utterances such as Ich habe ein Ei (“I have an egg”). The results show that speakers begin to plan their turns as soon as sufficient information is available to do so, irrespective of further incoming words.
Le chevauchement, c’est-à-dire la prise de parole simultanée d'au moins deux locuteurs, est un phénomène omniprésent dans la conversation. Inscrit dans le cadre théorique de l'Analyse Conversationnelle et de la linguistique interactionnelle, notre travail se penche sur la parole simultanée considérée comme un phénomène systématique et ordonné qui appartient aux pratiques routinières de l'alternance des tours de parole. Nos analyses se fondent sur des transcriptions d'enregistrements vidéo de données interactionnelles naturelles, des conversations ordinaires en français et en allemand. Nous ne portons pas uniquement un regard sur le chevauchement en tant que phénomène audible, mais le concevons comme une pratique incarnée en interaction, qui est également implémentée par des ressources visibles. À l'analyse séquentielle s'ajoute donc une analyse multimodale, qui nous permet de tenir compte des constellations participatives dynamiques lors du chevauchement. Le travail analytique se focalise sur trois phénomènes spécifiques dans lesquels la parole simultanée intervient de manière significative : d'abord l'auto-répétition faisant suite au chevauchement, ensuite l'abandon de tour de parole d'un locuteur lors de la parole simultanée et enfin la complétion différée, la continuation retardée d'une prise de parole en chevauchement avec l'intervention d'un interlocuteur. Cette thèse contribue à une compréhension approfondie de ces trois phénomènes et démontre que l'organisation de la parole simultanée est étroitement liée à la gestion de trajectoires d'action complexes et de cadres participatifs dynamiques.
Ce chapitre s’intéresse à la façon dont les changements de langue dans des réunions sont gérés par les parties co-présentes qui les traitent comme posant des problèmes de participation, en s’orientant vers le fait que le choix d’une langue particulière peut avoir comme effet d’augmenter ou bien de diminuer la participation de certains ou de tous les membres co-présents. Le choix d’une langue plutôt que d’une autre est étudié comme répondant à un problème des membres et comme une décision prise par eux, exhibant la manière dont ils s’orientent vers ses conséquences et dont ils élaborent sa justification et légitimité. Dans ce sens, le choix de l’anglais ou de plusieurs langues co-existantes voire alternantes n’a pas en soi une valeur positive ou négative en termes de participation, d’adéquation ou d’efficacité, mais a une valeur qui est située et occasionnée, dépendant des formats spécifiques de participation, des compétences reconnues localement et de la manière dont l’interaction est organisée. Afin d’explorer de manière systématique cette articulation entre choix de langue et participation, nous allons nous pencher sur un phénomène particulier et récurrent. Il s’agit de l’annonce qui projette un changement de langue et qui peut prendre une forme telle que “now we will switch into English so that you can participate”. Nous l’analyserons en tenant compte de la position séquentielle où elle est produite, de son format, de la façon dont elle est adressée à une partie ou à la totalité des co-présents, et de l’action spécifique qui y est accomplie. Nous étudierons aussi la manière dont elle est reçue, ses effets sur le cadre de participation, ainsi que les catégorisations qui en découlent. On montrera ainsi la relation de configuration mutuelle qui s’établit entre choix de langue et cadre de participation. Nos analyses seront développées sur la base de plusieurs corpus de rencontres professionnelles internationales enregistrées en audio et en vidéo sur plusieurs terrains. Les données vidéo nous invitent à considérer non seulement la dimension linguistique des cadres participatifs et des changements de langue, mais aussi leur organisation multimodale : l’organisation incarnée (embodied) du code-switching n’a pratiquement pas encore été explorée et la participation incarnée reste sous-étudiée, ainsi que son lien avec des espaces interactionnels spécifiques. Ce chapitre montre que les détails multimodaux sont cruciaux pour la compréhension des liens entre plurilinguisme et participation en tant que dynamiques occasionnées, contingentes et émergentes.
This paper aims at contributing to the analysis of overlaps in turns-at-talk from both a sequential and a multimodal perspective. Overlaps have been studied within Conversation Analysis by focusing mainly on verbal and vocal resources; taking into account multimodal resources such as gesture, bodily posture, and gaze contributes to a better understanding of participants’ orientations to the sequential organization of overlapping talk and their management of speakership. First, we introduce the way in which overlaps have been studied in Conversation Analysis, mainly by Jefferson (1973, 1983, 2004) and Schegloff (2000); then we propose possible implications of their multimodal analysis. In order to demonstrate that speakers systematically orient to the overlap onset and resolution we analyze the multimodal conduct of overlapped speakers. Findings show methodical variations in trajectories of overlap resolution: speakers’ gestures in overlap display themselves as maintaining or withdrawing their turn, thereby exhibiting the speakership achieved and negotiated during overlap.
Cette contribution s’intéresse aux co-constructions d’un tour de parole en interaction, plus spécifiquement, à la manière dont la complétion d’un énoncé de la part d’un co-participant est ensuite réceptionnée par le locuteur dont le tour a été complété. Malgré l’intérêt certain porté par l’analyse conversationnelle et la linguistique interactionnelle à la co-énonciation, l’évaluation de cette pratique par le premier locuteur n’a pas fait l’objet d’analyses approfondies. Dans ce qui suit, nous nous focalisons plus particulièrement sur les pratiques interactionnelles qui permettent aux participants de valider une co-construction. Ce travail est issu du projet ANR SPIM (« L’imitation dans la parole »), dans le cadre duquel nous nous sommes interrogée sur la fonction de l’hétéro-répétition (le fait de répéter un énoncé d’un autre locuteur ou une partie de celui-ci, opposée à l’auto- répétition) dans des séquences de co-construction d’un tour de parole.
Cette contribution s'intéresse aux co-constructions d'un tour de parole en interaction, plus spécifiquement, à la manière dont la complétion d'un énoncé de la part d'un co-participant est ensuite réceptionnée par le locuteur dont le tour a été complété. Malgré l'intérét certain porté par l'analyse conversationnelle et la linguistique interactionnelle à la co-énonciation, l'évaluation de cette pratique par le premier locuteur n’a pas fait l’objet d’analyses approfondies. Dans ce qui suit, nous nous focalisons plus particulièrement sur les pratiques interactionnelles qui permettent aux participants de valider une co-construction. Ce travail est issu du projet ANR SPIM (« L'imitation dans la parole »), dans le cadre duquel nous nous sommes interrogée sur la fonction de l'hétéro-répétition (le fait de répéter un énoncé d'un autre locuteur ou une partie de celui-ci, opposée à l'auto-répétition) dans des séquences de co-construction d'un tour de parole. Dans la partie analytique, nous contrastons deux possibilités de validation d'une complétion collaborative, à savoir l'acquiescement simple (« oui ») et l'hétéro-répétition simple. Sur la base d’enregistrements vidéo de conversations naturelles, nous montrons que ces deux pratiques ne valident pas la complétion collaborative de la même manière, mais qu'elles permettent aux locuteurs d’évaluer finement le caractère plus ou moins adéquat des éléments co-construits.
Dans le cadre de l’ethnométhodologie et de l’analyse conversationnelle, cet article s’intéresse à la production de la parole radiophonique en contexte, telle qu’elle est accomplie en temps réel et de manière située, incarnée et soutenue technologiquement dans le studio. Il vise ainsi à replacer la parole radiophonique dans son écologie matérielle et à l’aborder dans ses processus de production plutôt que comme un produit fini. L’analyse se focalise sur les instants qui précèdent immédiatement la prise de parole des animateurs, sur le moment où ils procèdent aux derniers échanges coordonnant leur parole à l’antenne et où ils mobilisent une série de ressources technologiques juste avant le passage au direct : ils précisent ou confirment les dernières prises de décision concernant ce qu’ils vont dire et la manière de le dire, prennent en main leur casque, le mettent, arrangent le micro, effectuent les derniers réglages de régie. Ce moment révèle les arrangements technologiques – dans la mobilisation de plusieurs artefacts - et interactionnels – dans la mise en œuvre de procédés de coordination et d’ajustement mutuel - complexes qui rendent possible la parole en direct.
Cet article se fonde sur une collection de répétitions suite à un chevauchement, tirée de données vidéo en allemand et en français. La description systématique de cet outil de reprise de tour articule une comparaison entre cas clairs et cas déviants de ce phénomène. Il est démontré que le recyclage est aussi bien une ressource du locuteur suivant que du locuteur en cours.
Comparaison de deux marqueurs d’affirmation dans des séquences de co-construction: voilà et genau
(2016)
This contribution investigates the German response particle genau and the French response particle voilà within collaborative turn sequences in videotaped ordinary conversations. Adopting a conversation analytic approach to cross-linguistic comparison, I will show that the basic epistemic value of both particles allows them to be used in similar sequential environments. When a co-participant formulates a candidate conclusion in environments where it can be easily inferred from previous talk, first speakers may confirm the adequacy of the pre-emptive completion by voilà or genau. These particles may then also be followed by self- or other-repeats. The analyses aim to illustrate that participants rely on a variety of practices in order to positively assess a pre-emptive completion, and to refute a supposed binary opposition of refusal vs. acceptance in the receipt slot.
Cet article se penche sur un épisode radiophonique durant lequel deux animateurs effectuent un coming out hétérosexuel à l’occasion de la journée internationale du coming out (11 octobre). Dans une perspective issue de l’analyse conversationnelle d’inspiration ethnométhodologique, il étudie une collection d’occurrences de coming out, permettant non seulement d’identifier un format séquentiel récurrent et la manière dont il contribue à l’efficacité de la pratique, mais aussi de réfléchir à la façon dont il peut être utilisé dans différents contextes sociaux, notamment médiatisés et médiatiques. En particulier, l’article montre comment la pratique est au service d’une émission radiophonique sur le coming out et prépare la transition vers le traitement de l’homosexualité à la radio. Grâce à un enregistrement vidéo du travail des animateurs dans le studio de radio, l’article décrit la façon dont le thème de la journée internationale du coming out est fabriqué et orchestré dans les coulisses de la radio et sur les ondes. Ce faisant, il montre la contribution d’une analyse conversationnelle à l’approche du coming out dans les études de genre – où la pratique est largement discutée mais sans être analysée sur la base d’occurrences documentées. L’article revient ainsi sur l’épistémologie du closet chère à Eve Sedgwick, en proposant une anatomie du coming out en contexte médiatisé, qui en éclaire les enjeux non seulement épistémiques mais aussi de normativisation, publicisation et spectacularisation.
This paper offers a detailed analysis of the opening of an international meeting. English Lingua Franca as the official language of the meeting is actively discussed and negotiated by the participants. The analysis highlights the issues identified by the participants themselves in choosing a linguistic regime for their professional exchanges. The English Lingua Franca regime is aimed at facilitating the participation of some of the participants, but creates problems for others, too. The chairman deals with this situation in an embodied way (through his gaze, gesture, bodily postures, and by the way in which he walks through the room), displaying that he orients to different member categories (such as 'anglophone', 'anglophone who can understand French', 'francophile', etc.) as benefitting from or resisting against the definitive language choice.
Cette contribution propose une analyse qualitative et quantitative des reformulations sur des données interactionnelles. Pour la constitution du corpus d’étude, nous nous appuyons sur un outil de détection automatique des hétéro-répétitions, considérées comme indices de reformulation. Après avoir illustré les éléments qui ont présidé à la conception de l’outil, nous présentons le paramétrage de cette ressource, que nous avons testée sur quatre enregistrements de la base de données CLAPI. Cette étude souligne la pertinence de l’approche interactionnelle dans l’analyse des hétéro-répétitions, en en montrant les fonctionnalités multiples, notamment dans les pratiques de reformulation dans la conversation.
Bisherige linguistische Studien zum mündlichen Erzählen beziehen sich vornehmlich auf die Beschreibung verbaler und vokaler Verfahren. Erzählen findet jedoch häufig unter den Bedingungen der zeitlich-räumlichen Ko-Präsenz der SprecherInnen statt, die den Gebrauch von körperlichen und materiellen Ressourcen ermöglicht. Der vorliegende einleitende Beitrag des Themenheftes modelliert Erzählen daher als körpergebundene und verkörperlichte Praktik, die es im Rahmen von interaktionalen und sequenzorientierten Analyseansätzen zu beschreiben gilt. Im Anschluss an die Darstellung von Entwicklungslinien der soziolinguistischen und interaktional-gesprächsanalytischen Untersuchung konversationellen Erzählens wird ein Überblick über bisherige Befunde zur multimodalen Ausgestaltung des Erzählens in der face-to-face-Interaktion gegeben. Abschließend werden grundlegende Fragestellungen skizziert, deren Beantwortung im Rahmen einer multimodalen Erzählanalyse die tatsächliche Alltagspraxis des Erzählens umfassender zu erschließen vermag.
In German oral discourse, previous research has shown that okay can be used both as a response token (e.g., for agreeing with the previous turn or for claiming a certain degree of understanding) and as a discourse marker (e.g., for closing conversational topics or sequences and/or indicating transitions). This contribution focuses on the use of okay as a response token and how it is connected with the speakers’ interactional state of knowledge (their understanding, their assumptions etc.). The analysis is based on video recorded everyday conversations in German and a sequential, micro-analytic approach (multimodal conversation analysis). The main function of conversational okay in the selected data set is related to indicating the acceptance of prior information. By okay, speakers however claim acceptance of a piece of information that they can’t verify or check. The analysis contrasts different sequences containing okay only with sequences in which change-of-state tokens such as ah and achso co-occur with okay. This illustrates that okay itself does not index prior information as new, and that it is not used for agreeing with or for confirming prior information. Instead it enables the speaker to adopt a kind of neutral, “non-agreeing” position towards a given piece of information.
Obwohl Smartphones und andere mobile Endgeräte mittlerweile ein fester Bestandteil unseres Alltags sind, betonen öffentliche und wissenschaftliche Diskurse immer noch bevorzugt mögliche negative Auswirkungen ihres Gebrauchs auf Gesundheit und Kommunikationsverhalten. Dieser Beitrag skizziert einen anderen Ansatz zur Analyse alltäglichen Technologiegebrauchs, indem er zunächst auf Studien aus der angewandten Linguistik und insbesondere der interaktionalen Forschung eingeht, die sich auf dessen öffentliche Beobachtbarkeit, Mobilität und Ubiquität konzentrieren. Anhand zweier Auszüge aus videoaufgezeichneten Interaktionen wird dann aufgezeigt, wie eine multimodale und sequentielle Analyse dazu beitragen kann, Technologiegebrauch als eine routinemäßige und geordnete soziale Praktik zu verstehen, die nicht mit sozialem, kooperativem Handeln in Widerspruch steht oder dieses gefährdet. Ein detaillierter Blick auf situierten Smartphonegebrauch in informellen und institutionellen Face-to-Face-Settings lenkt die analytische Aufmerksamkeit weg von einer generisch positiven oder negativen Bewertung der Technologie hin zu verschiedenen interaktionalen Phänomenen, die mit ihrer Handhabung und Erkundung in Zusammenhang stehen. Es wird abschließend argumentiert, dass diese Art von mikroanalytischem Ansatz zu einer facettenreichen und objektiveren Perspektive auf die situierte Nutzung mobiler Geräte beitragen kann.
This paper aims to describe different patterns of syntactic extensions of turns-at-talk in mundane conversations in Czech. Within interactional linguistics, same-speaker continuations of possibly complete syntactic structures have been described for typologically diverse languages, but have not yet been investigated for Slavic languages. Based on previously established descriptions of various types of extensions (Vorreiter 2003; Couper-Kuhlen & Ono 2007), our initial description shall therefore contribute to the cross-linguistic exploration of this phenomenon. While all previously described forms for continuing a turn-constructional unit seem to exist in Czech, some grammatical features of this language (especially free word order and strong case morphology) may lead to problems in distinguishing specific types of syntactic extensions. Consequently, this type of language allows for critically evaluating the cross-linguistic validity of the different categories and underlines the necessity of analysing syntactic phenomena within their specific action contexts.
This paper investigates situations in French videogame interactions where non-players who share the same physical space as players, participate in the gaming activities as spectators. Through a detailed multimodal and sequential analysis, we show that being a spectator is a local achievement of all co-present participants - players and non-players.
This study analyzes how participants playing VR games construct co-presence and shared gameplay. The analysis focuses on instances of play where one person is wearing the VR equipment, and other participants are located nearby without the ability to directly interact with the game. We first show how the active player using the VR equipment draws on talk and embodied activity to signal their presence in the shared physical environment, while simultaneously conducting actions in the virtual space, and thus creates spaces for the other participants to take part in gameplay. Second, we describe how other participants draw on the contextual configurations of the moment in displaying co-presence and position themselves as active and consequential co-players. The analysis demonstrates how gameplay can be communicatively constructed even in situations where the participants have differential rights and possibilities to act and influence the game.
Playing videogames is a popular social activity; people play videogames in different places, on different media, in different situations, alone or with partners, online or offline. Unsurprisingly, they thereby share space (physically or virtually) with other playing or non-playing people. The special issue investigates through different contexts and settings how non-players become participants of the gaming interaction and how players and non-players co-construct presence. The introduction provides a problem-related context for the individual contributions and then briefly presents them.
This study explores how ‘gatherings’ turn into ‘encounters’ in a virtual world (VW) context. Most communication technologies enable only focused encounters between distributed participants, but in VWs both gatherings and encounters can occur. We present close sequential analysis of moments when after a silent gathering, interaction among participants in a VW is gradually resumed, and also investigate the social actions in the verbal (re-)opening turns. Our findings show that like in face-to-face situations, also in VWs participants often use different types of embodied resources to achieve the transition, rather than rely on verbal means only. However, the transition process in VWs has distinctive characteristics compared to the one in face-to-face situations. We discuss how participants in a VW use virtually embodied pre-beginnings to display what we call encounter-readiness, instead of displaying lack of presence by avatar stillness. The data comprise 40 episodes of video-recorded team interactions in a VW.
This article explores the relation between word order and response latency, focusing on responses to question-word questions. Qualitative (multimodal) and quantitative analyses of naturally occurring conversations in French—where question-words can occur in initial, medial, or final position within the question—show that variation in word order affects the timing of responses. It is argued that this is so because word order provides a differential basis for action ascription, creating different temporal opportunities for projecting the recipient’s next relevant action. The frequent occurrence of early responses to questions with an initial question-word, in particular, stresses the importance of the recognition point of an action under way for response timing and shows respondents’ pervasive orientation to sequential progressivity. Findings highlight how lexico-syntactic trajectories of emergent turns, prior talk and actions, material and bodily features of interaction, and participants’ shared expectations conspire in shaping the time-courses of action ascription and action projection.
This study documents change over time and across proficiency levels in French second-language (L2) speakers’ practices for initiating complaints. Prior research has shown that speakers typically initiate complaints in a stepwise manner that indexes the contingent, moral, and delicate nature of the activity. Although elementary speakers in my data often launch complaint sequences in a straightforward way, they sometimes embodiedly foreshadow verbal expressions of negative stance or delay negative talk through brief positively valenced prefaces. More advanced speakers in part rely on the same initiation practices as elementary speakers. In addition, they recurrently use extensive prefatory work that accounts for and legitimizes the upcoming complaint, and they regularly initiate complaints jointly with coparticipants through a progressive escalation of negative stance expressions. I document interactional resources involved in this change and discuss the findings in terms of speakers’ development of L2 interactional competence. Data are in French with English translations.
Based on longitudinal audiovisual data from family interactions, we focus on how young children between 1;08 and 2;10 report trouble they are encountering in their current activity using the response cry oh in combination with other lexical items (e.g., “oh fell off”) and bodily displays. While at a very young age the children remain focused on their activity and try to solve the problem independently, at an older age they start to systematically use gaze directed toward the parent and suspension of the current activity to enlist the adult’s assistance. We argue that these bodily displays are among the resources whose presence or absence constrains whether the report of trouble leads to the recruitment of assistance or not. Regarding the developmental implications, it seems that during their third year of life, young children expand their repertoire for dealing with trouble interactively. Data are in German with English translations.
This paper investigates self-initiated uses of mobile phones (such as texting or making a call) in everyday video-recorded conversations among Czech speakers. Using ethnomethodological conversation analysis, it illustrates how participants publicly frame their own device use (for example, by announcements), and how co-present interlocutors respond to it. Previous studies have described how participants manage two concurrent communicative involvements, but have not provided detailed sequential descriptions of how device use can be negotiated and accounted for. This study shows that mobile device use in co-presence is not a priori problematic (or vice versa). Instead, participants frame their technology use in different ways according to various features of the social situation they treat as momentarily relevant. These features include the course of the conversation and how the device use relates to it, the overall participation framework and the opacity of the device use for co-present others.
This paper offers an exploratory Interactional Linguistic account of the role that inferences play in episodes of ordinary conversational interaction. To this end, it systematically reconsiders the conversational practice of using the lexico-syntactic format oh that’s right to implicitly claim “just-now” recollection of something previously known, but momentarily confused or forgotten. The analyses reveal that this practice typically occurs as part of a larger sequential pattern that the participants orient to and which serves as a procedure for dealing with, and generating an account for, one participant’s production of an inapposite action. As will be shown, the instantiation and progressive realization of this sequential procedure requires local inferential work from the participants. While some facets of this inferential work appear to be shaped by the particular context of the ongoing interaction, others are integral to the workings of the sequence as such. Moreover, the analyses suggest that participants’ understanding of oh that’s right as embodying an implicit memory claim rests on an inference which is based on a kind of semanticpragmatic compositionality. The paper thus illustrates how inferences in conversational interaction can be systematically studied and points to the merits of combining an interactional and a linguistic perspective.
Untersuchungsgegenstand dieser Arbeit sind retrospektive Äußerungen, d.h. Nachfragen und fremdinitiierte Erweiterungen, die an den Sprecher der Ausgangsäußerung gerichtet sind. In der Forschung werden Nachfragen und Erweiterungen meist unabhängig voneinander mit unterschiedlichen Funktionen beschrieben. Die vorliegende Untersuchung setzt sich mit den gemeinsamen Eigenschaften beider Äußerungsformate auseinander, unabhängig von ihren deklarativen und interrogativen Merkmalen. Im Rahmen der Triangulation werden die Methode der Konversationsanalyse und die Annahmen der Relevanztheorie verbunden, um zu beschreiben, wie Sprecher in retrospektiven Äußerungen auf inhaltlicher Ebene mit den Informationen aus vorhergehenden Redebeiträgen umgehen. Primäre Datengrundlage sind die narrativen Interviews des Berliner Wendekorpus, ca. 60 Stunden gesprochenes Deutsch. Die Arbeit analysiert die grammatischen und lexikalischen Mittel, mit denen Sprecher bei der Bedeutungskonstruktion epistemische Unterstützung zum Ausdruck bringen. Weitere Analyseebenen sind die grammatische Kohärenz retrospektiver Äußerungen als evidentiale Strategie und die Ähnlichkeitsrelationen zwischen der interpretativen Annahme und den jeweiligen Bezugskomponenten.