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As can be shown for English data, the assimilation of the alveolar stop can result from an increased gestural overlap of the following oral closure gesture. Our experiment with German synthetic speech showed similar results. Further, it suggests that it is neccessary to complete the gestural specification of the glottal state. A voiced stop should be represented not only by an oral gesture, but by a glottal one as well.
This work exploited coarticulation and loud speech as natural sources of perturbation in order to determine whether articulatory covariation (motor equivalent behavior) can be observed inspeech that is not artificially perturbed. Articulatory analyses of jaw and tongue movement in the production of alveolar consonants by German speakers were performed. The sibilant /s/ shows virtually no articulatory covariation under the influence of natural perturbations, whereas other alveolar consonants show more obvious compensatory behavior. Our conclusion is that an effect of natural sources of perturbation is noticable, but sounds are affected to different degrees.
In Articulatory Phonology the jaw is not controlled individually but serves as an additional articulator to achieve the primary constriction. In this study the timing of jaw and tongue tip gestures for the coronal consonants /s, , t, d, n, l/ is analysed by means of EMMA. The findings suggest that the tasks of the jaw for the fricatives are to provide a second noise source and to stabilise the tongue position (more pronounced for /s/). For the voiceless stop, the speakers seem to aim at a high jaw position for producing a prominent burst. For /l/ a low jaw position is essential for avoiding lateral contact and for the apical articulation of this sound.
Jaw and Order
(2007)
It is well-accepted that the jaw plays an active role in influencing vowel height. The general aim of the current study is to further investigate the extent to which the jaw is active in producing consonantal distinctions, with specific focus on coronal consonants. Therefore, tongue tip and jaw positions are compared for the German coronal consonants Is, J, t, d, n, 1/, that is, consonants having the same active articulators (apical/laminal) but differing in manner of articulation. In order to test the stability of articulatory positions for each of these coronal consonants, a natural perturbation paradigm was introduced by recording two levels of vocal effort: comfortable, and loud without shouting. Tongue and jaw movements of five speakers of German were recorded by means of EMMA during /aCa/ sequences. By analyzing the tongue tip and jaw positions and their spatial variability we found that (1) the jaw's contribution to these consonants varies with manner of articulation, and (2) for all coronal consonants the positions are stable across loudness conditions except for those of the nasal. Results are discussed with respect to the tasks of the jaw, and the possible articulatory adjustments that may accompany louder speech.
Notions such as “corpus-driven” versus “theory-driven” bring into focus the specific role of corpora in linguistic research. As for phonology with its intrinsic focus on abstract categorical representation, there is a question of how a strictly corpus-driven approach can yield insight into relevant structures. Here we argue for a more theory-driven approach to phonology based on the concept of a phonological grammar in terms of interacting constraints. Empirical validation of such grammars comes from the potential convergence of the evidence from various sources including typological data, neutralization patterns, and in particular patterns observed in the creative use of language such as acronym formation, loanword adaptation, poetry, and speech errors. Further empirical validation concerns specific predictions regarding phonetic differences among opposition members, paradigm uniformity effects, and phonetic implementation in given segmental and prosodic contexts. Corpora in the narrowest sense (i.e. “raw” data consisting of spontaneous speech produced in natural settings) are useful for testing these predictions, but even here, special purpose-built corpora are often necessary.
We present evidence for the analysis of the vowels in English <say> and <so> as biphonemic diphthongs /ɛi/ and /əu/, based on neutralization patterns, regular alternations, and foot structure. /ɛi/ and /əu/ are hence structurally on a par with the so called “true diphthongs” /ɑi/, /ɐu/, /ɔi/, but also share prosodic organization with the monophthongs /i/ and /u/. The phonological evidence is supported by dynamic measurements based on the American English TIMIT database.
Calculations of F2-slopes proved to be especially suited to distinguish the relevant groups in accordance with their phonologically motivated prosodic organizations.
In diesem Beitrag werden drei quantitative Studien vorgestellt, mit deren Hilfe untersucht wird, ob neben dem robusten Längenunterschied auch Qualitätsunterschiede für die deutschen <a>-Laute vorhanden sind (z.B. <Saat> versus <satt>). Auf Basis von ausgewählten Korpora und instrumentalphonetischen Messungen kann dieser Zusammenhang bestätigt werden. Zudem zeigen sich signifikante Unterschiede in den dynamischen
Verläufen der beiden Vokale.