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Standardly, verb-first (V1) conditionals are considered to be mere variants of wenn-conditionals; accordingly, left-peripheral V1-clauses are analyzed as embedded into the prefields of declarative apodosis clauses, just like their V-end counterparts. We challenge this view, proposing instead that dependent V1-clauses are syntactically unembedded/unintegrated, and, consequently, that postposed declarative apodosis clauses are either V2-declaratives with prefield ellipsis or V1-declaratives. We argue our case by presenting evidence that (i) wenn-clauses differ considerably from V1-clauses in semantic distribution, (ii) unlike wenn-clauses, V1-clauses do not meet the criteria for syntactic embedding, (iii) the alternatives entailed by (ii) for the structural analysis of a postposed apodosis both have empirical support. As for a syntactic analysis of V1-structures suited to these findings, we argue that a CP adjunction analysis is currently the best option available. We also point out connections between the semantic restrictions on V1-conditionals and the semantics of V1-interrogatives that are suggestive of a common semantic core, which raises hope that our background vision (ultimately, all dependent V-to-C clauses are semantically licensed substitutes for genuine subordinates) may also be true for V1-clauses.
In diesem Beitrag argumentiere ich, dass das grammatische Regelwerk „Lücken“ hat und dass „realistische“ Grammatikschreibung das in Theorie und Praxis berücksichtigen muss; insbesondere sind eventuelle Äußerungen in Lückensituationen außergrammatisch zu modellieren. Diese Konzeption wird anhand morphologischer und syntaktischer so genannter Zweifelsfälle intuitiv plausibilisiert und ihr Nutzen für die Grammatikschreibung in vergleichender Auseinandersetzung mit prominenten „lücken-losen“ Analysen von zwei Beispielen - ‚Right Node Raising‘- und gewissen Ersatzinfinitiv-Strukturen - nachgewiesen.