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This study analyses the use of the Polish wez- V2 (take-V2) double imperative to request here-and-now actions. The analysis is based on a collection of approximately 40 take-V2 double imperatives, which was built from a corpus of 10 hours of video recordings of everyday interactions (preparing and having meals, playing with children, etc.) taking place in the homes of Polish families. A sequential analysis of these data shows that the take-V2 construction is commonly selected in situations where the request recipient could be expected to already be attending to the relevant business (e.g., because they committed to this earlier in the interaction), but isn’t. By selecting the take-V2 format, the request speaker reanimates the recipient´s responsibility for the matter at hand.
Reformulating place
(2013)
This report examines what can be accomplished in conversation by reformulating a reference to a place using the practices of repair. It is based on an analysis of a collection of place references situated in second pair parts of adjacency pairs taken from a wide range of field recordings of talk-in-interaction. Not surprisingly, place references are sometimes reformulated so as to indicate a misspeaking or in pursuit of recipient recognition. At other times, however, we show that place references can be reformulated to more adequately implement the action of a turn in prosecuting the course of action of which it is a part. In these cases repairing a place reference can target a source of trouble associated with implementing the action of a turn at talk, and thus reformulating place can serve as a practical resource for accomplishing a range of interactional tasks. We conclude with a more complex case in which two reformulations are deployed in responding to a so-called ‘double-barrelled’ initiating action.
The authors compare the use of two formats for requesting an object in informal everyday interaction: imperatives, common in our Polish data, and second-person polar questions, common in our English data. Imperatives and polar questions are selected in the same interactional “home environments” across the languages, in which they enact two social actions: drawing on shared responsibility and enlisting assistance, respectively. Speakers across the languages differ in their choice of request format in “mixed” interactional environments that support either. The finding shed light on the orderly ways in which cultural diversity is grounded in invariants of action formation.