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Comparaison de deux marqueurs d’affirmation dans des séquences de co-construction: voilà et genau
(2016)
This contribution investigates the German response particle genau and the French response particle voilà within collaborative turn sequences in videotaped ordinary conversations. Adopting a conversation analytic approach to cross-linguistic comparison, I will show that the basic epistemic value of both particles allows them to be used in similar sequential environments. When a co-participant formulates a candidate conclusion in environments where it can be easily inferred from previous talk, first speakers may confirm the adequacy of the pre-emptive completion by voilà or genau. These particles may then also be followed by self- or other-repeats. The analyses aim to illustrate that participants rely on a variety of practices in order to positively assess a pre-emptive completion, and to refute a supposed binary opposition of refusal vs. acceptance in the receipt slot.
Le chevauchement, c’est-à-dire la prise de parole simultanée d'au moins deux locuteurs, est un phénomène omniprésent dans la conversation. Inscrit dans le cadre théorique de l'Analyse Conversationnelle et de la linguistique interactionnelle, notre travail se penche sur la parole simultanée considérée comme un phénomène systématique et ordonné qui appartient aux pratiques routinières de l'alternance des tours de parole. Nos analyses se fondent sur des transcriptions d'enregistrements vidéo de données interactionnelles naturelles, des conversations ordinaires en français et en allemand. Nous ne portons pas uniquement un regard sur le chevauchement en tant que phénomène audible, mais le concevons comme une pratique incarnée en interaction, qui est également implémentée par des ressources visibles. À l'analyse séquentielle s'ajoute donc une analyse multimodale, qui nous permet de tenir compte des constellations participatives dynamiques lors du chevauchement. Le travail analytique se focalise sur trois phénomènes spécifiques dans lesquels la parole simultanée intervient de manière significative : d'abord l'auto-répétition faisant suite au chevauchement, ensuite l'abandon de tour de parole d'un locuteur lors de la parole simultanée et enfin la complétion différée, la continuation retardée d'une prise de parole en chevauchement avec l'intervention d'un interlocuteur. Cette thèse contribue à une compréhension approfondie de ces trois phénomènes et démontre que l'organisation de la parole simultanée est étroitement liée à la gestion de trajectoires d'action complexes et de cadres participatifs dynamiques.
This presentation deals with collaborative turn-sequences (Lerner 2004), a syntactically coherent unit of talk that is jointly formulated by at least two speakers, in Czech and German everyday conversations. Based on conversation analysis (e.g., Schegloff 2007) and a multimodal approach to social interaction (e.g., Deppermann/Streeck 2018), we aim at comparing recurrent patterns and action types within co-constructional sequences in both languages. The practice of co-constructing turns-at-talk has been described for typologically different languages, especially for English (e.g., Lerner 1996, 2004), but also for languages such as Japanese (Hayashi 2003) or Finnish (Helasvuo 2004). For German, various forms and functions of co-constructions have already been investigated (e.g., Brenning 2015); for Czech, a detailed, interactionally based description is still pending (but see some initial observations in, e.g., Hoffmannová/Homoláč/Mrázková (eds.) 2019). Although the existence of co-constructions in different languages points to a cross-linguistic conversational practice, few explicitly comparative studies exist (see, e.g., Lerner/Takagi 1999, for English and Japanese). The language pair Czech-German has mainly been studied with respect to language contact and without specifically considering spoken language or complex conversational sequences (e.g., Nekula/Šichová/Valdrová 2013). Therefore, our second aim is to sketch out a first comparison of co-constructional sequences in German and Czech, thereby contributing to the growing field of comparative and cross-linguistic studies within conversation analysis (e.g., Betz et al. (eds.) 2021; Dingemanse/Enfield 2015; Sidnell (ed.) 2009). More specifically, we will present three main sequential patterns of co-constructional sequences, focusing on the type of action a second speaker carries out by completing a first speaker’s possibly incomplete turn-at-talk, and on how the initial speaker then responds to
this suggested completion (Lerner 2004). Excerpts from video recordings of Czech and German ordinary conversations will illustrate these recurrent co-constructional sequence types, i.e., offering help during word searches (see example 1 above), displaying understanding, or claiming independent knowledge. The third objective of this paper is to underline the participants’ orientation to similar interactional problems, solved by specific syntactic and/or lexical formats in Czech and German. Considering the more recent focus on the embodied dimension of co-constructional practices (e.g., Dressel 2020), we will also investigate the multimodal formatting of a started utterance as more or less “permeable” (Lerner 1996) for co-participant completion, the participants’ mutual embodied orientation, and possible embodied responses to others’ turn-completions (such as head nods or eyebrow flashes, cf. De Stefani 2021). More generally, this contribution reflects on the possibilities and challenges of a cross-linguistic comparison of complex multimodal sequences.
Cet article se fonde sur une collection de répétitions suite à un chevauchement, tirée de données vidéo en allemand et en français. La description systématique de cet outil de reprise de tour articule une comparaison entre cas clairs et cas déviants de ce phénomène. Il est démontré que le recyclage est aussi bien une ressource du locuteur suivant que du locuteur en cours.
Within a rapidly digitalising society, it is important to understand how the learning and teaching of digital skills play out in situ, particularly amongst older adults who acquire these skills later in life. This paper focuses on participants engaged in the process of learning digital skills in adult education courses. Using video recordings from adult education centres in Finland and Germany, we explore how students mobilise their teachers’ assistance when encountering problems with their smartphones, laptops or tablets. Prior research on social interaction has shown that assistance can be recruited through a variety of verbal and embodied formats. In this specific educational setting, participants can use complaints about their digital skills or mobile devices to obtain assistance. Utilising multimodal conversation analysis, we describe two basic sequence types involving students’ complaints, discuss their cross-linguistic characteristics, and reflect on their connection to this educational setting and digital devices.
In German oral discourse, previous research has shown that okay can be used both as a response token (e.g., for agreeing with the previous turn or for claiming a certain degree of understanding) and as a discourse marker (e.g., for closing conversational topics or sequences and/or indicating transitions). This contribution focuses on the use of okay as a response token and how it is connected with the speakers’ interactional state of knowledge (their understanding, their assumptions etc.). The analysis is based on video recorded everyday conversations in German and a sequential, micro-analytic approach (multimodal conversation analysis). The main function of conversational okay in the selected data set is related to indicating the acceptance of prior information. By okay, speakers however claim acceptance of a piece of information that they can’t verify or check. The analysis contrasts different sequences containing okay only with sequences in which change-of-state tokens such as ah and achso co-occur with okay. This illustrates that okay itself does not index prior information as new, and that it is not used for agreeing with or for confirming prior information. Instead it enables the speaker to adopt a kind of neutral, “non-agreeing” position towards a given piece of information.