Refine
Document Type
- Part of a Book (4)
- Conference Proceeding (4)
- Article (2)
Has Fulltext
- yes (10)
Keywords
- Englisch (10) (remove)
Publicationstate
Reviewstate
- Peer-review (1)
Publisher
The paper argues that lexical-semantic representations within event semantics often suffer from a severe lack of empirical content. To demonstrate this, some main tenets of truth conditional semantics and its consequences for the lexical-semantic metalanguage are discussed. It will be shown that lexical semantic meaning postulates have to be improved in the following ways: i) the formulation of empirically verifiable definitions of the metalinguistic predicates, ii) the clarification of the logical type of these predicates, iii) the establishment of a procedure by which the predication can be verified, iv) the careful observation of the semantics of the logical operators, and v) the establishment of identity criteria for the basic ontological sorts. Furthermore, the strategies many lexical-semantic theories develop in order to immunize themselves against empirical falsification will be identified in several examples. Finally, it will be argued that an empircally sound lexical-semantic theory within truth-conditional event semantics has to be based on empirical research in cognitive science
The paper explores how verbs like helfen "help" should be treated within event semantics. These verbs allow both agentive NP-subjects and sentential CP-subjects. Their behavior with respect to adverbial modification reveals that in their agentive variant these verbs refer to events, while in their sentential variant they refer to states. The meaning that sentential helfen conveys is that the beneficiary is in a good disposition and that this state is brought about by what is expressed by the sentential subject. This involves a kind of subjective value statement about what is good for the beneficiary and what is not. The relation of "bringing about" involved here is not mainly one of causal dependence - lacking the typical denseness of causal chains - but one that involves supervenience. Supervenience, a notion widely used in moral theory and philosophy of the mind, allows accounting for the dependence of the rather subjective nature of the resultant state of helfen on particular events which occur in the world. The agentive variant of helfen is derived by embedding the meaning of sentential helfen into an event description.
German loanwords are found in many languages in the South Pacific, in particular in those areas which were under German administration before WW I. The Austronesian languages in this area differ greatly with respect to the number of lexemes of German origin. The paper focuses on two languages of Micronesia, namely Palauan, with a comparatively high number of German loans, and Kosraean which had no German influence on its lexicon. The paperconsiders the balance of factors that contribute to the different loanword amounts. That German was taught in local schools for up to two decades did not, by itself, enhance borrowing from German. More weighty factors for the amount of borrowings from German are the length and strength of language contact with English and the use of German as a means of communication in particular settings in the years before WW I.
Lexical-semantic theories often suffer from the imprecision of the concepts they employ in their representations. This leads to a considerable decrease in empirical strength by inviting circular argumentation. A demonstration of how to go about overcoming such shortcomings will be carried out, using the lexical semantic concept of "punctuality" as an example. Firstly, I will argue that the distinction between punctuality and durativity plays a crucial role for the explanation of a wide range of syntactic and semantic phenomena. Secondly, I will discuss methodological issues involved in arriving at a more precise definition of punctuality and, finally, the notion of "punctuality" will be given an interpretation on the basis of extensive consultation of research on cognitive time concepts.
Whether verbs have to be marked as punctual vs. durative has been a controversial issue from the very beginnings of research on aktionsarten in the last century right on up to modern theories of aspectual classes and aspect composition. Debates about the linguistic necessity of this distinction have often been accompanied by the question of what it means for a verb to be temporally punctual. In this paper I will, firstly, sketch the history of research on the punctual-durative distinction and present several linguistic arguments in its favor. Secondly, I will show how this distinction is captured in an eventstructure- based approach to lexical semantics. Thirdly, I will discuss the extent to which a precise definition of the notions used in lexical
representations helps avoid circular argumentation in lexical semantics. Finally, I will demonstrate how this can be done for the notion of ‘punctuality’ by clarifying the logical type of this predicate and relating it to central cognitive time concepts.
The "imperfective-paradox" paradox and other problems with the semantics of the progressive aspect
(2000)
This paper is about the meaning of the progressive aspect, of which it has been notoriously difficult to give a satisfying account. 1 A number of intriguing properties of its meaning were first brought out in formal semantic treatments. An event semantics approach to the progressive that integrates concepts of nonnality and perspective as well as adequate lexical representations seems to be particularly promising. In section 1 I will present several problems connected with the semantics of the progressive that are crucial for shaping its truth conditions. Several solutions to these problems that have been suggested in the literature will be discussed. 2 In section 2 I will sketch a preliminary account of the meaning of the progressive aspect. In section 2.1 the basic components that underlie the truth conditions of the progressive will be described. In section 2.2 I will present underlying lexical assumptions and the truth conditions for the progressive. Finally, in section 2.3, I will evaluate the proposal by revisiting the problems discussed.
In diesem Artikel soll es darum gehen, neuere theoretische Arbeiten zum Lexikon für lexikographische Anwendungen nutzbar zu machen. Insbesondere möchte ich einige Ergebnisse der neueren Valenzforschung skizzieren und sie zur gängigen lexikographischen Praxis der Valenzinformation in einsprachigen Lernerwörterbüchern in Beziehung setzen. Ich werde dabei vor allem auf einzelne der Forschungsergebnisse Bezug nehmen, die in den letzten zehn Jahren in dem Wuppertaler Forschungsprojekt „Valenz im Lexikon“ im Rahmen des Sonderforschungsbereichs 282 „Theorie des Lexikons“ entstanden sind. 1 Dazu werde ich im folgenden Abschnitt einige Annahmen der multidimensionalen Valenztheorie darstellen. In Abschnitt 3 wird es um typische Lernerfehler in den einzelnen Valenzdimensionen gehen, in Abschnitt 4 um Nicht-Notwendigkeit und die Interpretation impliziter Argumente und in Abschnitt 5 um semantische Bedingungen für Valenzalternanzen.
Semantic theories based on predicate-argument structures have always acknowledged that lexical information associated with verbs is the basic source for the rudimentary semantic structure of sentences. The central role of verbs in sentence structure has become a major insight of modern syntactic theories since the lexical turn in linguistics, too. As a result of this development there has been an increasing interest in theories on the lexical representation of verbs. This paper will briefly review prevailing theories on verb semantics (section 1), showing that they can capture only a part of the wide range of syntactic and semantic phenomena dependent on verb meaning. For several of these phenomena (section 2) it will turn out that a theory based on highly structured events is more suitable for representing verb meaning. This theory is based on the idea that verbs refer to events that consist of several subevents which are temporally related, classified according to their duration, and whose event participants are connected to some but not necessarily all subevents by semantic relations (section 3).