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The purpose of this paper is to present the lexicographic protocol and to report on the progress of compilation of Mikaela_Lex, which is a Greek, free online monolingual school dictionary for upper elementary students with visual impairments including 4,000 lemmata. The dictionary is equipped with new digital tools, such as the “Braille-system keyboard, a “speech-to-text” tool, a “text-to-speech” tool and also a qwerty accessibility for visually non-impaired students.
Das Thema genderinklusive Sprache ist mittlerweile nicht nur Gegenstand regelmäßiger Umfragen, Presseartikel oder Talksendungen, sondern auch von Volksinitiativen. In Baden-Württemberg beispielsweise veranstaltet Klaus Hekking, Initiator des Volksbegehrens Stoppt Gendern in Baden-Württemberg, eine Radtour gegen Gendern, um Unterschriften zu sammeln (die Initiative wurde allerdings vom Innenministerium gestoppt). Auch in Hamburg lief 2023 eine Volksinitiative namens „Schluss mit Gendersprache in Verwaltung und Bildung“, die vom „Verein Deutsche Sprache“ initiiert und von der Hamburger CDU unterstützt wurde. Die Initiative hat fast 17.000 Unterschriften gesammelt und überregionale mediale Aufmerksamkeit bekommen.
National Socialism, one could argue, was all about belonging: belonging to the ‘Volk’ or the ‘Volksgemeinschaft’, belonging to the ‘Aryan’ or ‘Non-Aryan race’, belonging to the National Socialist ‘movement’, and so on. These categories of belonging worked both inclusionary and exclusionary and they were constituted, proclaimed and enacted to a great part through language. What is more, they had to be performed through communicative acts. For the normative side of National Socialist propaganda and legislation, this seems rather obvious and one-directional. On the side of the general population, however, this entailed a mixture of communicative need to position oneself vis-à-vis National Socialism (mostly in affirmative ways), but also the urge to do so willingly. When we look at the language use of ‘ordinary people’ in different communicative situations and texts during National Socialism, we have to focus on these dimensions of discursive collusion, co-constitution and appropriation. People during National Socialism, such is our hypothesis, navigated through discourses of belonging and by that made them real and effective. Besides diaries, war letters and autobiographical writings, one way to grasp this phenomenon is to analyse petitions, i.e., letters of complaint and request sent in large numbers by ‘ordinary people’ to public authorities of the party and the state. As I will show by some examples, letter-writers tried to inscribe themselves within (what they took for) National Socialist discourses of belonging in order to legitimate their claims. By doing so, they co-constituted and co-created the discursive realm of National Socialism.