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This chapter focuses on the formation of adverbs from a corpuslinguistic perspective, providing an overview of adverb formation patterns in German that includes frequencies and hints to productivity as well as combining quantitative methods and theoretically founded hypotheses to address questions that concern possible grammaticalization paths in domains that are formally marked by prepositional elements or inflectional morphology (in particular, superlative or superlative-derived forms). Within our collection of adverb types from the project corpus, special attention is paid to adverbs built from primary prepositions. The data suggest that generally, such adverb formation involves the saturation of the internal argument slot of the relation-denoting preposition. In morphologically regular formations with the preposition in final position, pronominal forms like da ‘there’, hier ‘here’, wo ‘where’ as well as hin ‘hither’ and her ‘thither’ serve to derive adverbs. On the other hand, morphologically irregular formations with the preposition – in particular: zu ‘to’ or vor ‘before, in front of’ – in initial posi-tion show traits of syntactic origin such as (remnants of) inflectional morphology. The pertaining adverb type dominantly saturates the internal argument slot by means of universal quantification that is part and parcel as well of the derivation of superlatives and demonstrably fuels the productivity of the pertaining formation pattern.
In der „Nacherstposition“ zwischen einer Vorfeldkonstituente und dem Finitum können im Deutschen bestimmte unflektierbare Einheiten (wie allerdings, wiederum, also, nun, nämlich, beispielsweise) auftreten, die sich anders als Fokuspartikeln verhalten. Es handelt sich um Adverbkonnektoren, die neben ihrer relationierenden Funktion in dieser - und nur in dieser - Position die informationsstrukturelle Aufgabe der Topikwechselmarkierung übernehmen. Nur eine kleine Klasse skalierender Einheiten - die typischen Stiefkinder der Fokuspartikelforschung {zumindest, höchstens, wenigstens u. a.) - kann hier alternativ Topik und Fokus markieren. Mit ihrer spezifischen Form-Funktions-Korrelation stellt die Nacherstposition von Adverbkonnektoren eine nicht zur Gänze kompositional erschließbare „Konstruktion“ im konstruktionsgrammatischen Sinne dar.
Konnektoren
(2018)
Die adnominalen (attributiven) Verwendungsmöglichkeiten von temporalen und lokalen Adverbien im Deutschen werden untersucht und mit denen aus vier anderen europäischen Nachbarsprachen – Englisch, Französisch, Polnisch, Ungarisch – verglichen. Gezeigt wird, wie diese Sprachen unterschiedliche Anbindungsstrategien nutzen, um Adverbien in attributiver Funktion einsetzen zu können. Drei solcher Strategien werden unterschieden: Juxtaposition, Adjektivierung und formale Verknüpfung. Die Anbindungsstrategien sind in den Vergleichssprachen unterschiedlich verteilt und in unterschiedlichem Maße dominant. Verfügt eine Sprache über zwei oder mehr Anbindungsstrategien, so können diese in Abhängigkeit von der semantischen Teilklasse des Attributs mit verschiedenen semantischen Beschränkungen und Effekten korreliert sein. Diese bezeichnen wir als temporale bzw. lokale Kompatibilität, Persistenz und Oppositivität. Es lassen sich z.T. übereinzelsprachlich bestimmte Form-Funktions-Korrelationen zwischen Anbindungsstrategien und semantischen Beschränkungen bzw. Effekten feststellen. So können adjektivische und formal verknüpfte Attribute Persistenz und Oppositivität kodieren, juxtaponierte dagegen grundsätzlich nicht.
The present chapter investigates the relative order of attributive adjectives in German. Based on corpus data, our results corroborate previous findings that semantics is the most important factor in accounting for adjective order. Going beyond previous studies, we also consider coordinated structures (such as mit [[großem, verwildertem] Garten] ‘with (a) large, overgrown garden’), where both adjectives are of equal rank. While adjective order in embedded structures (mit [ schwierigem [ familiärem Hintergrund ]] ‘with (a) difficult domestic background’) can be predicted rather accurately on semantic grounds, we show that predictions can also be made for coordinated structures, albeit with lower accuracy. Using regression analysis, we examine how semantic factors interact with a number of other explanatory variables.
We present an event-related potentials (ERP) study that addresses the question of how pieces of information pertaining to semantic roles and event structure interact with each other and with the verb’s meaning. Specifically, our study investigates German verb-final clauses with verbs of motion such as fliegen ‘fly’ and schweben ‘float, hover,’ which are indeterminate with respect to agentivity and event structure. Agentivity was tested by manipulating the animacy of the subject noun phrase and event structure by selecting a goal adverbial, which makes the event telic, or a locative adverbial, which leads to an atelic reading. On the clause-initial subject, inanimates evoked an N400 effect vis-à-vis animates. On the adverbial phrase in the atelic (locative) condition, inanimates showed an N400 in comparison to animates. The telic (goal) condition exhibited a similar amplitude like the inanimate-atelic condition. Finally, at the verbal lexeme, the inanimate condition elicited an N400 effect against the animate condition in the telic (goal) contexts. In the atelic (locative) condition, items with animates evoked an N400 effect compared to inanimates. The combined set of findings suggest that clause-initial animacy is not sufficient for agent identification in German, which seems to be completed only at the verbal lexeme in our experiment. Here non-agents (inanimates) changing their location in a goal-directed way and agents (animates) lacking this property are dispreferred and this challenges the assumption that change of (locational) state is generally a defining characteristic of the patient role. Besides this main finding that sheds new light on role prototypicality, our data seem to indicate effects that, in our view, are related to complexity, i.e., minimality. Inanimate subjects or goal arguments increase processing costs since they have role or event structure restrictions that animate subjects or locative modifiers lack.
In recent years, theoretical and computational linguistics has paid much attention to linguistic items that form scales. In NLP, much research has focused on ordering adjectives by intensity (tiny < small). Here, we address the task of automatically ordering English adverbs by their intensifying or diminishing effect on adjectives (e.g. extremely small < very small). We experiment with 4 different methods: 1) using the association strength between adverbs and adjectives; 2) exploiting scalar patterns (such as not only X but Y); 3) using the metadata of product reviews; 4) clustering. The method that performs best is based on the use of metadata and ranks adverbs by their scaling factor relative to unmodified adjectives.