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Warum gibt es Futur II?
(2023)
In English, past tense stative clauses embedded under a past-marked attitude verb, like Eric thought that Kalina was sick, can receive two interpretations, differing on when the state of the complement is understood to hold, i.e. Kalina’s sickness precedes the time of Eric’s thinking (backward-shifted reading), or Kalina is sick at the time of Eric’s thinking (simultaneous reading). As is well known, the availability of the simultaneous reading—also called Sequence of tense (SOT)—is subject to cross-linguistic variation. Non-SOT languages only allow for the backward-shifted interpretation. This cross-linguistic variation has been analysed in two main ways in the literature: a structural approach, connecting the availability of the simultaneous reading in a language to a syntactic mechanism that allows the embedded past not to be interpreted; and an implicature approach, which links the absence of such a reading to the presence of a “cessation” implicature associated with past tense. We report a series of experiments on Polish, which is commonly classified as a non-SOT language. First, we investigate the interpretation of complement clauses embedded under past-marked attitude verbs in Polish and English. This investigation revealed a difference between these two languages in the availability of simultaneous interpretations for past-under-past complement clauses, albeit not as large as a binary distinction between SOT and non-SOT languages would lead us to expect. We then address the question of whether the lower acceptability we observe for simultaneous readings in Polish might be due to an embedded cessation implicature. On the way to address this question, we show that in simple matrix clauses, Polish gives rise to the same cessation inference as English. Then we investigate Polish past-under-past sentences in positive and negative contexts, comparing their potential cessation implicature to the exclusive implicature of disjunction. In our results, we found that the latter was endorsed more often in positive than in negative contexts, as expected, while the cessation implicature was endorsed overall very little, with no difference across contexts. The disanalogy between the disjunction and the temporal cases, and the insensitivity of the latter to monotonicity, are a challenge for the implicature approach, and cast doubts on associating SOT phenomena with implicatures.
Die textlinguistische Grundthese dieses Beitrags besagt, dass alle Texte elementar aus Zeit gemacht sind. Diese These gilt nicht nur für die Verbalgrammatik, wo sie sich schon wegen der Verbaltempora fast von selbst versteht, sondern auch für die Nominalgrammatik, die im Zentrum dieses Beitrags steht. Das wird am Beispiel von Kafkas Erzählung „Die Verwandlung“ zunächst an den Pronominalisierungen, dann an den Renominalisierungen des Textes gezeigt. Beide sind „Zeit-Zeichen“, die auf unterschiedliche Weise die Geltung eines Nomens in der Textzeit verlängern und gegebenenfalls modifizieren. Auch der Satz ist ein Textstück, in dem die Zeit nicht angehalten wird, sondern fortlaufend den Sinn des Textes verändert.
In this paper, we provide an analysis of temporality in Hausa (Chadic, Afro-Asiatic). By testing the hypothesis of covert tense (Matthewson 2006) against empirical data, we show that Hausa is genuinely tenseless in the sense that the grammar does not restrict the relation between reference time and utterance time. Rather, temporal reference is pragmatically inferred from aspectual and contextual information. We also argue that future time reference in Hausa is realized as a combination of a modal operator and a prospective aspect, thus involving the modal meaning components of intention and prediction as well as event time shifting.
Thema des Beitrags ist der Einsatz des Dudenkorpus in der Zusammenarbeit von Grammatikautoren und Dudenredaktion. Das annotierte Korpus und die Recherchemöglichkeiten, die es bietet, werden anhand aktueller Beispiele aus der Werkstatt einer Dudenredakteurin beschrieben. Einen Schwerpunkt bildet neben einfachen Vergleichen zwischen zwei oder drei morphologischen Varianten die komplexere Frage, ob temporales wo (der Zeitpunkt, wo; jetzt, wo) in der Dudengrammatik weiterhin als standardsprachlich bezeichnet werden soll. Zugleich wird versucht, die Attraktivität alternativer Konstruktionen (der Zeitpunkt, zu dem; jetzt, da) für Schreibende und Lesende zu messen. Diese ‘Alternativen’ verhalten sich jedoch keineswegs wie die eingangs erwähnten morphologischen Varianten zueinander – zu unterschiedlich sind semantische und syntaktische Leistungen, zu unterschiedlich die Restriktionen, die für ihre Verwendung im Satz gelten, zu unterschiedlich sind schließlich die untersuchten Texte, aus denen die mittels Hochrechnung ausgewerteten über 30 000 Sätze stammen. Zur Diskussion steht, welche Konsequenzen in einer Grammatik für ein breites Publikum zu ziehen sind. Diese Frage wird für die ‘Wortgrammatik’ anders beantwortet als für die ‘Regelgrammatik’.
This thesis investigates temporal and aspectual reference in the typologically unrelated African languages Hausa (Chadic, Afro–Asiatic) and Medumba (Grassfields Bantu). It argues that Hausa is a genuinely tenseless language and compares the interpretation of temporally unmarked sentences in Hausa to that of morphologically tenseless sentences in Medumba, where tense marking is optional and graded. The empirical behavior of the optional temporal morphemes in Medumba motivates an analysis as existential quantifiers over times and thus provides new evidence suggesting that languages vary in whether their (past) tense is pronominal or quantificational (see also Sharvit 2014). The thesis proposes for both Hausa and Medumba that the alleged future tense marker is a modal element that obligatorily combines with a prospective future shifter (which is covert in Medumba). Cross-linguistic variation in whether or not a future marker is compatible with non-future interpretation is proposed to be predictable from the aspectual architecture of the given language.