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In diesem sprachwissenschaftlichen Projekt wurden Verfahren des Sprecherwechsels und der Bedeutungsaushandlung in authentischen, telefonisch gedolmetschten Beratungsgesprächen untersucht. Die Daten liegen als PDF (nach dem HIAT-Verfahren) und als bearbeitbare Rohdaten in einer .exb-Datei vor. Die Transkripte dokumentieren Beratungsgespräche zwischen arabischsprechenden Klienten und einer Migrations- und Sozialberaterin, zu denen verschiedene Dolmetscher via Telefon herangezogen werden. Die Dolmetscher befinden sich jeweils in einem anderen Raum als die Beraterin und die Klienten. Die Gespräche erfolgten nach vorheriger Anmeldung. Die Beraterin ruft den Dolmetscher jeweils zum vereinbarten Termin an. Die Klienten sind subsidiär geschützte syrische Geflüchtete mit sehr geringen Deutschkenntnissen, die Hilfe beim Familiennachzug, Spracherwerb oder anderen authentischen Anliegen benötigen. Die Dolmetscher sprechen verschiedene regionale Varietäten des Arabischen. Daten, die auf die beteiligten Personen sowie auf die Beratungsstelle schließen lassen, wurden anonymisiert. Technisch bedingte Übertönungen und andere Handlungen der Beteiligten, die wegen der mangelnden Kopräsenz nicht für alle Beteiligten in den beiden Interaktionsräumen hörbar oder in einem Interaktionsraum nur visuell wahrnehmbar sind, wurden in den jeweiligen Annotationsspuren durchgehend annotiert. Dagegen wurden non- und paraverbale Phänomene wie etwa die Atmung ausschließlich im Hinblick auf ihre kommunikative Bedeutung sowie Relevanz für den Sprecherwechsel transkribiert und bei eingeschränkter akustischen Wahrnehmung kenntlich gemacht. Natürliche Phänomene menschlichen Sprechens, wie das Einatmen, Schlucken und Schmatzen, mit denen keine turnbezogene Handlungen einhergehen, blieben unberücksichtigt. Die nonverbalen Handlungen der Aktanten und deren Prosodie werden nur ansatzweise und im Hinblick auf die Untersuchungsfrage angedeutet.
Es werden in Veröffentlichungen ein englisches oder ein deutsches Kürzel als Bezeichnung für das Korpus verwendet (TIGA und TeDo). Die Nummerierung der Dateien ist jedoch immer die selbe.
Weitere Sprachen in dieser Datensammlung sind verschiedene Varietäten des gesprochenen Arabisch. Die Datensammlung stammt aus dem DFG-Projekt ME 3439/3 "Turn-taking und Verständnissicherung beim Telefondolmetschen Deutsch-Arabisch".
This contribution investigates the use of the Czech particle jako (“like”/“as”) in naturally occurring conversations. Inspired by interactional research on unfinished or suspended utterances and on turn-final conjunctions and particles, the analysis aims to trace the possible development of jako from conjunction to a tag-like particle that can be exploited for mobilizing affiliative responses. Traditionally, jako has been described as conjunction used for comparing two elements or for providing a specification of a first element [“X (is) like Y”]. In spoken Czech, however, jako can be flexibly positioned within a speaking turn and does not seem to operate as a coordinating or hypotactic conjunction. As a result, prior studies have described jako as a polyfunctional particle. This article will try to shed light on the meaning of jako in spoken discourse by focusing on its apparent fuzzy or “filler” uses, i.e., when it is found in a mid-turn position in multi-unit turns and in the immediate vicinity of hesitations, pauses, and turn suspensions. Based on examples from mundane, video-recorded conversations and on a sequential and multimodal approach to social interaction, the analyses will first show that jako frequently frames discursive objects that co-participants should respond to. By using jako before a pause and concurrently adopting specific embodied displays, participants can more explicitly seek to mobilize responsive action. Moreover, as jako tends to cluster in multi-unit turns involving the formulation of subjective experience or stance, it can be shown to be specifically designed for mobilizing affiliative responses. Finally, it will be argued that the potential of jako to open up interactive turn spaces can be linked to the fundamental comparative semantics of the original conjunction.
In this paper, we address two problems in indexing and querying spoken language corpora with overlapping speaker contributions. First, we look into how token distance and token precedence can be measured when multiple primary data streams are available and when transcriptions happen to be tokenized, but are not synchronized with the sound at the level of individual tokens. We propose and experiment with a speaker based search mode that enables any speaker’s transcription tier to be the basic tokenization layer whereby the contributions of other speakers are mapped to this given tier. Secondly, we address two distinct methods of how speaker overlaps can be captured in the TEI based ISO Standard for Spoken Language Transcriptions (ISO 24624:2016) and how they can be queried by MTAS – an open source Lucene-based search engine for querying text with multilevel annotations. We illustrate the problems, introduce possible solutions and discuss their benefits and drawbacks.
In conversation, turn-taking is usually fluid, with next speakers taking their turn right after the end of the previous turn. Most, but not all, previous studies show that next speakers start to plan their turn early, if possible already during the incoming turn. The present study makes use of the list-completion paradigm (Barthel et al., 2016), analyzing speech onset latencies and eye-movements of participants in a task-oriented dialogue with a confederate. The measures are used to disentangle the contributions to the timing of turn-taking of early planning of content on the one hand and initiation of articulation as a reaction to the upcoming turn-end on the other hand. Participants named objects visible on their computer screen in response to utterances that did, or did not, contain lexical and prosodic cues to the end of the incoming turn. In the presence of an early lexical cue, participants showed earlier gaze shifts toward the target objects and responded faster than in its absence, whereas the presence of a late intonational cue only led to faster response times and did not affect the timing of participants' eye movements. The results show that with a combination of eye-movement and turn-transition time measures it is possible to tease apart the effects of early planning and response initiation on turn timing. They are consistent with models of turn-taking that assume that next speakers (a) start planning their response as soon as the incoming turn's message can be understood and (b) monitor the incoming turn for cues to turn-completion so as to initiate their response when turn-transition becomes relevant.
Speech planning is a sophisticated process. In dialog, it regularly starts in overlap with an incoming turn by a conversation partner. We show that planning spoken responses in overlap with incoming turns is associated with higher processing load than planning in silence. In a dialogic experiment, participants took turns with a confederate describing lists of objects. The confederate’s utterances (to which participants responded) were pre-recorded and varied in whether they ended in a verb or an object noun and whether this ending was predictable or not. We found that response planning in overlap with sentence-final verbs evokes larger task-evoked pupillary responses, while end predictability had no effect. This finding indicates that planning in overlap leads to higher processing load for next speakers in dialog and that next speakers do not proactively modulate the time course of their response planning based on their predictions of turn endings. The turn-taking system exerts pressure on the language processing system by pushing speakers to plan in overlap despite the ensuing increase in processing load.
To ensure short gaps between turns in conversation, next speakers regularly start planning their utterance in overlap with the incoming turn. Three experiments investigate which stages of utterance planning are executed in overlap. E1 establishes effects of associative and phonological relatedness of pictures and words in a switch-task from picture naming to lexical decision. E2 focuses on effects of phonological relatedness and investigates potential shifts in the time-course of production planning during background speech. E3 required participants to verbally answer questions as a base task. In critical trials, however, participants switched to visual lexical decision just after they began planning their answer. The task-switch was time-locked to participants' gaze for response planning. Results show that word form encoding is done as early as possible and not postponed until the end of the incoming turn. Hence, planning a response during the incoming turn is executed at least until word form activation.
When humans have a conversation with one-another, they generally take turns speaking one after the other without overlapping each others talk or leaving silence between turns for long stretches of time. Previous research has shown that conversation is a structured practice following rules that help interlocutors to manage the flow of conversation interactively. While at the beginning of a conversation it remains open who will speak when about what and for how long, interlocutors regulate the flow of conversation as it unfolds. One basic set of rules that interlocutors operate with governs the allocation of speaking turns, with the central rule stating that whoever starts speaking first at a point in time when speaker change becomes relevant has the rights and obligations to produce the next turn. The organization of turn allocation, therefore, is one reason for conversational turn taking to be so remarkably fast, with the beginnings of turns most often being quite accurately aligned with the ends of the previous turns. Observations of this outstanding speed of turn taking gave rise to a number of questions concerning language processing in conversational situations. The studies presented in this thesis investigate some of these questions from the perspective of the current listener preparing to be the next speaker who will respond to the current turn.
The study presented in Chapter 2 investigates when next speakers begin to plan their own turn with respect to two points in time, (i) the moment when the incoming turn’s message becomes clear enough to make response planning possible and (ii) the moment when the incoming turn terminates. Results of previous studies were inconclusive about the timing of language planning in conversation, with evidence in favour of both late and early response planning. Furthermore, previous studies presented both evidence as well as counter evidence indicating that response planning depends or does not depend on an accurate prediction of the timing of the incoming turn’s end. The study presented here makes use of a novel experimental paradigm which includes a dialogic task that participants need to fulfil in response to critical utterances by a confederate. These critical utterances were structured, on the one hand, so that their message became clear either only at the end of the turn or before the end of the turn, and, on the other hand, so that it was either predictable or not predictable when exactly the turn would end. Participant’s eye-movements as well as their response latencies indicated that they always planned their next turn as early as possible, irrespective of the predictability of the incoming turn’s end. The presented results provide evidence in favour of models of turn taking that predict speech planning to happen in overlap with the incoming turn.
Having established that next speakers begin to plan their turn in overlap, the study presented in Chapter 3 goes more into detail investigating to which depth language planning progresses while the incoming turn is still unfolding. To this end, a number of psycholinguistic paradigms were combined. In the study’s main experiment, participants had to fulfil a switch-task in which they switched from picture naming in response to an auditorily presented question to making a lexical decision. By manipulating the relatedness of the word for lexical decision with the picture that was prepared to be named before the task-switch it was possible to draw inferences on which processing stages were entered during the speech production process in overlap with the incoming turn. Participants’ behavioural responses in the lexical decision task revealed that they entered the stage of phonological encoding while the incoming turn was still unfolding, showing that planning in overlap is not limited to conceptual preparation but includes all sub-processes of formulation.
Given that speech production regularly enters the stages of formulation in overlap with the incoming turn, as shown in Chapters 2 and 3, the question arises whether planning the next turn in overlap is cognitively more demanding than during the gap between turns. This question is approached in the study presented in Chapter 4 by measuring pupillometric responses of participants in a dialogic task. An increase in pupil diameter during a cognitive task is indicative of increased processing load, and pupillometric responses to planning in overlap with the incoming turn were found to be greater than responses to planning in the gap between turns. These results show that planning in overlap is more demanding than planning during the gap, even though it is highly practiced by speakers.
After Chapters 2 to 4 investigated the timing and mechanisms of speech planning in conversation, Chapter 5 turns towards the timing of articulation of a planned turn, asking the question what sources of information next speakers use to time the articulation of a planned utterance to start closely after the incoming turn comes to an end. In this Chapter’s study, participants taking turns with a confederate responded to utterances containing or not containing different cues to the location of the incoming turn’s end. Participants made use of lexical and turn-final intonational cues, but not of turn-initial intonational cues, responding faster when the relevant cues were present than when they were not present. These results show that the timing of turn initiation in next speakers depends on the recognition of the incoming turn’s point of completion and not merely on the progress in planning the next turn.
All evidence presented in Chapters 2 to 5 is summed up and bundled together in a cognitive model of turn taking, which is being presented in Chapter 6. This model assumes, centrally, that the planning of a turn and the timing of its articulation are separate cognitive processes that run in parallel in any next speaker during conversation. Planning generally starts as early as possible, often in overlap with the incoming turn, while the timing of articulation depends on the next speaker’s level of certainty that speaker change has become relevant at a particular moment, with a number of cues to the end of the incoming turn leading to an increase of certainty. Next turns are assumed to often be planned down to fully formulated utterance plans including their phonological form as early as possible on the basis of anticipations of the incoming turn’s message, which are created with the help of the general and situational knowledge about the world, the current speaker and her intentions, as well as the input that has been received so far. The level of certainty that speaker change becomes relevant rises or decreases as lexico-syntactic, prosodic, and pragmatic projections about the development of the current turn are fulfilled or not fulfilled. As the incoming turn progresses towards its end as was projected by the current listener, he becomes certain that speaker change becomes relevant and will initiate articulation of the prepared next turn. Viewing these two processes, planning a next turn and timing of its articulation, as separate makes it possible to explain the observable fast timing of turn taking while still modelling the allocation of turns as interactionally managed by interlocutors — a considerable advantage of the presented model compared to more traditional perspectives on turn taking and conversation.
In conversation, interlocutors rarely leave long gaps between turns, suggesting that next speakers begin to plan their turns while listening to the previous speaker. The present experiment used analyses of speech onset latencies and eye-movements in a task-oriented dialogue paradigm to investigate when speakers start planning their responses. German speakers heard a confederate describe sets of objects in utterances that either ended in a noun [e.g., Ich habe eine Tür und ein Fahrrad (“I have a door and a bicycle”)] or a verb form [e.g., Ich habe eine Tür und ein Fahrrad besorgt (“I have gotten a door and a bicycle”)], while the presence or absence of the final verb either was or was not predictable from the preceding sentence structure. In response, participants had to name any unnamed objects they could see in their own displays with utterances such as Ich habe ein Ei (“I have an egg”). The results show that speakers begin to plan their turns as soon as sufficient information is available to do so, irrespective of further incoming words.
Le chevauchement, c’est-à-dire la prise de parole simultanée d'au moins deux locuteurs, est un phénomène omniprésent dans la conversation. Inscrit dans le cadre théorique de l'Analyse Conversationnelle et de la linguistique interactionnelle, notre travail se penche sur la parole simultanée considérée comme un phénomène systématique et ordonné qui appartient aux pratiques routinières de l'alternance des tours de parole. Nos analyses se fondent sur des transcriptions d'enregistrements vidéo de données interactionnelles naturelles, des conversations ordinaires en français et en allemand. Nous ne portons pas uniquement un regard sur le chevauchement en tant que phénomène audible, mais le concevons comme une pratique incarnée en interaction, qui est également implémentée par des ressources visibles. À l'analyse séquentielle s'ajoute donc une analyse multimodale, qui nous permet de tenir compte des constellations participatives dynamiques lors du chevauchement. Le travail analytique se focalise sur trois phénomènes spécifiques dans lesquels la parole simultanée intervient de manière significative : d'abord l'auto-répétition faisant suite au chevauchement, ensuite l'abandon de tour de parole d'un locuteur lors de la parole simultanée et enfin la complétion différée, la continuation retardée d'une prise de parole en chevauchement avec l'intervention d'un interlocuteur. Cette thèse contribue à une compréhension approfondie de ces trois phénomènes et démontre que l'organisation de la parole simultanée est étroitement liée à la gestion de trajectoires d'action complexes et de cadres participatifs dynamiques.
This paper aims at contributing to the analysis of overlaps in turns-at-talk from both a sequential and a multimodal perspective. Overlaps have been studied within Conversation Analysis by focusing mainly on verbal and vocal resources; taking into account multimodal resources such as gesture, bodily posture, and gaze contributes to a better understanding of participants’ orientations to the sequential organization of overlapping talk and their management of speakership. First, we introduce the way in which overlaps have been studied in Conversation Analysis, mainly by Jefferson (1973, 1983, 2004) and Schegloff (2000); then we propose possible implications of their multimodal analysis. In order to demonstrate that speakers systematically orient to the overlap onset and resolution we analyze the multimodal conduct of overlapped speakers. Findings show methodical variations in trajectories of overlap resolution: speakers’ gestures in overlap display themselves as maintaining or withdrawing their turn, thereby exhibiting the speakership achieved and negotiated during overlap.
Cette contribution s’intéresse aux co-constructions d’un tour de parole en interaction, plus spécifiquement, à la manière dont la complétion d’un énoncé de la part d’un co-participant est ensuite réceptionnée par le locuteur dont le tour a été complété. Malgré l’intérêt certain porté par l’analyse conversationnelle et la linguistique interactionnelle à la co-énonciation, l’évaluation de cette pratique par le premier locuteur n’a pas fait l’objet d’analyses approfondies. Dans ce qui suit, nous nous focalisons plus particulièrement sur les pratiques interactionnelles qui permettent aux participants de valider une co-construction. Ce travail est issu du projet ANR SPIM (« L’imitation dans la parole »), dans le cadre duquel nous nous sommes interrogée sur la fonction de l’hétéro-répétition (le fait de répéter un énoncé d’un autre locuteur ou une partie de celui-ci, opposée à l’auto- répétition) dans des séquences de co-construction d’un tour de parole.
Cette contribution s'intéresse aux co-constructions d'un tour de parole en interaction, plus spécifiquement, à la manière dont la complétion d'un énoncé de la part d'un co-participant est ensuite réceptionnée par le locuteur dont le tour a été complété. Malgré l'intérét certain porté par l'analyse conversationnelle et la linguistique interactionnelle à la co-énonciation, l'évaluation de cette pratique par le premier locuteur n’a pas fait l’objet d’analyses approfondies. Dans ce qui suit, nous nous focalisons plus particulièrement sur les pratiques interactionnelles qui permettent aux participants de valider une co-construction. Ce travail est issu du projet ANR SPIM (« L'imitation dans la parole »), dans le cadre duquel nous nous sommes interrogée sur la fonction de l'hétéro-répétition (le fait de répéter un énoncé d'un autre locuteur ou une partie de celui-ci, opposée à l'auto-répétition) dans des séquences de co-construction d'un tour de parole. Dans la partie analytique, nous contrastons deux possibilités de validation d'une complétion collaborative, à savoir l'acquiescement simple (« oui ») et l'hétéro-répétition simple. Sur la base d’enregistrements vidéo de conversations naturelles, nous montrons que ces deux pratiques ne valident pas la complétion collaborative de la même manière, mais qu'elles permettent aux locuteurs d’évaluer finement le caractère plus ou moins adéquat des éléments co-construits.
Cet article se fonde sur une collection de répétitions suite à un chevauchement, tirée de données vidéo en allemand et en français. La description systématique de cet outil de reprise de tour articule une comparaison entre cas clairs et cas déviants de ce phénomène. Il est démontré que le recyclage est aussi bien une ressource du locuteur suivant que du locuteur en cours.
This article explores a sequence organizational phenomenon that results from the use of a loosely specifiable turn format (viz., That’s + wh-clause) for launching (next) sequences while at the same time connecting back to a prior turn. Using this practice creates a sequential juncture, i.e., a pivot-like nexus between one sequence and a next. In third position, such junctures serve to accomplish seamless sequential transitions from one sequence into a next by presenting the latter as locally occasioned. The practice may, however, also be deployed in second position to launch actions that have not been made relevant or provided for by the preceding action and exhibit response relevance themselves. The sequential junctures then become retro-sequential in character: They transform the projected trajectory of the sequence in progress and create interlocking sequential structures. These findings highlight that sequence is practice, while pointing to understudied interconnections between tying and sequentiality. Data are in English.
Looking at gestures as a means for communication, they can serve conversational participants at several levels. As co-speech gestures, they can add information to the verbally expressed content and they can serve to manage turn-taking. In order to look closer at the interplay between these resources in face-to face conversation, we annotated hand gestures, syntactic completion points and the related turn-organisation, and measured the timing of gesture strokes and their lexical/phrasal referent. In a case study on German, we observe the trend that speakers vary less in gesturelexis on- and offsets when keeping the turn after syntactic completions than at speaker changes, backchannel or other locations of a conversation. This indicates that timing properties of non-verbal cues interact with verbal cues to manage turn-taking.
Smooth turn-taking in conversation depends in part on speakers being able to communicate their intention to hold or cede the floor. Both prosodic and gestural cues have been shown to be used in this context. We investigate the interplay of pitch movements and hand gestures at locations at which speaker change becomes relevant, comparing their use in German and Swedish. We find that there are some shared functions of prosody and gesture with regard to turn-taking in the two languages, but that these shared functions appear to be mediated by the different phonological demands on pitch in the two languages.