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In long-standing language contact situations, SLA mechanisms can account for changes in LI. While it is obvious that LI influence on L2 can be accounted for as a transfer effect, I postulate that SLA effects are responsible for certain aspects of L2 influence on LI as well. This is transparent if early stages of SLA are compared to early stages of language contact: what is affected most in both cases is the lexicon. Examples are drawn from Pennsylvania German, a German-based language spoken in the USA and in contact with American English (AE) for c. 300 years. The data imply that the conceptual matrix of the Speakers’ minds has shifted from German to AE, resulting in constructions that can be traced to AE, while the conscious language choice is still German. This conceptual shift relates to a stage in SLA, when the learner begins to get a grasp of the internal systematicity of the L2 and reduces the transfer of structural LI material to L2, i.e. the beginning of a structuralization process in the learner’s interlanguage. The quality and sequence of the “invading” material in language contact is strikingly similar to the sequence of the material composed in the process of SLA, implying a close relationship
between the two processes.
La diminution des compétences linguistiques (ou: attrition des langues) est un phénomène que l’on rencontre dans différents contextes lorsque l’accès à ce qui est acquis dans une langue (L1, L2 ou langue étrangère) diminue. Les recherches sur le sujet montrent par exemple que l’influence de la L2 rend difficile aux locuteurs L1 d’exploiter toutes les variations stylistiques ou pragmatiques que leur L1 devrait normalement leur permettre. La question qui se pose est de savoir ce qui se perd en effet: est-ce la competence langagière, la representation mentale de la connaissance qui est affectée ou s’agit-il plutôt d’une limitation de l’accès et du contrôle des connaissances acquises qui, elles, restent intactes? Dans le cadre des discussions actuelles autour des avantages et des risques du plurilinguisme il n’est pas seulement intéressant mais bien nécessaire d’approfondir les recherches sur les processus de l’attrition. Il faut par ailleurs, pour que les plurilingues aient un réel bénéfice de leur potentiel, que la société reconnaisse et apprécie concrètement ces compétences et qu’elle encourage les locuteurs à afficher leur identité bilingue en toute confiance et transparence.
Is it possible to undo or reverse language attrition? In other words, has there been, in the case of attrition, a permanent change with respect to the speaker's L1 knowledge, or do we only see temporary effects on the control of that knowledge? It is proposed here that the concept of attrition should include the temporary loss of language skills since it is, so far, not clear whether or to what extent once-acquired linguistic abilities can be permanently lost at all, particularly with respect to an L1. A reversal in the development of attrition after renewed contact with the L1 can support the claim that a decrease in L1 proficiency can be TEMPORARY, and that it is the ACCESSIBILITY of items and structures that is affected by attrition rather than the L1 knowledge (competence) itself. Our primary research interest in the present study is to analyze what skills and features are recoverable and what phenomena persist, (possibly) indicating permanent loss.
In den zwei Jahrzehnten vor dem ersten Weltkrieg standen weite Teile des Südpazifik unter deutscher Verwaltung. Das Deutsche stand hier in einem eng umrissenen geographischen Areal über 700 anderen Sprachen gegenüber, was zu einer besonderen Situation in Bezug auf Sprachenpolitik, Sprachenverhältnisse und Sprachkontakt führte. Ein konkretes Beispiel für kontaktbedingten lexikalischen Einfluss in diesem Kontext bietet die sprachliche Situation auf der pazifischen Insel Nauru. Hier hielten sich zu Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts etwa zeitgleich zwei deutschsprachige Missionare auf, der Protestant Philip A. Delaporte und der Katholik Alois Kayser; beide trugen aktiv zur Dokumentation und schriftlichen Verwendung des Nauruischen bei. Ein Vergleich der Wörterbücher zeigt jedoch deutliche Unterschiede, v.a. in Bezug auf die Herkunft von Lehnwörtern, Während bei Delaporte in allen auf Nauruisch verfassten schriftlichen Dokumenten eine größere Zahl an deutschen Lehnwörtern auftritt, finden sich bei Kayser an deren Stelle häufig die entsprechenden englisch-basierten Lexeme, sofern die betreffenden Lemmata überhaupt erfasst sind. In der vorliegenden Untersuchung geht es um einen Vergleich der Wörterbücher von Delaporte und Kayser, wobei ergänzend eine Wortliste von Paul Hambruch (1914—15) sowie neuere nauruische Wortlisten (Nauruan Swadesh List 1954, Petit-Skinner 1981) herangezogen werden. Eine zentrale Fragestellung ist, wie sich die Unterschiede zwischen Delaporte und Kayser erklären lassen und welche Schlussfolgerungen aus solchen Unterschieden in der Sprachdokumentation für die weitere Erforschung dieser und vergleichbarer Kontaktsitutationen zu ziehen sind (Zuverlässigkeit bzw. Bewertung linguistischer Dokumente). Dabei kommen auch methodologische Gesichtspunkte zur Sprache, u.a. die Schwierigkeit, eine aussagekräftige und quantitativ ausreichende Datenbasis zusammenzustellen, die eine möglichst zuverlässige Grundlage für die Evaluierung einer solchen historischen Sprachkontaktsituation bieten kann.
During German colonialism in the Pacific, language contact between German and the local languages took place in different areas and in varying intensity. The numbers of native speakers of German were low, and in many cases German was not the means of communication, so that comparatively little language contact occurred naturally. Despite this situation, several native languages in the German colonial area integrated loanwords from German and preserved them up until today. Quantitative differences in borrowing between the affected languages are arguably due to extralinguistic factors influencing contact duration and intensity as well as local language attitudes. There is one area where the use of German was explicitly supported by the government: These are schools. The present paper investigates the numbers of students who came into contact with instruction of or in German. Many schools were mission-run, and in particular non-German missions had problems finding qualified teachers for their German instruction. Following an overview of population proportions regarding speakers of German and school attendance, this paper compares quantitative loanword data to contact opportunities with German in schools, drawing a tentative conclusion on whether instruction in German, as one extralinguistic factor influencing language contact, had a measurable effect on lexical borrowing from German.
Colonial language contact is shaped by many extralinguistic factors that, in turn, lead to different linguistic outcomes. The project outlined here aims at documenting contact contexts that existed during the German colonial rule in the Pacific, with special emphasis on German New Guinea. Trading places, institutions (e.g. schools), plantations and other settings that involved (language) interaction between the colonizers and the colonized are charted on a historical map of the area to determine where contact intensity is likely to have been high, and what languages were involved and can be expected to show traces of such interaction (e.g. loanwords). It is intended to digitize this information in form of an interactive map, allowing to show and hide different types of information and thus being able to draw conclusions on historical language contact settings and their long-term linguistic results.
During the brief era of German colonialism in the Pacific (1884-1914), German was in contact with a large number of languages, autochthonous as well as colonial ones. This setting led to language contact in which German influenced and was influenced by various languages. In 1900, Western Samoa came under German colonial rule. The German language held a certain prestige there which is mirrored by the numbers of voluntary Samoan learners of German. On the other hand, the preferred use of English, rather than German, by native speakers of German was frequently noted. This paper examines linguistic and metalinguistic data that suggest the historical existence of (the precursor of) a colonial variety of German as spoken in Samoa. This variety seems to have been marked mainly by lexical borrowing from English and Samoan and was, because of these borrowings, not fully comprehensible to Germans who had never encountered the variety or the colonial setting in Samoa. It is discussed whether this variety can be considered a separate variety of German on linguistic grounds.
Sprache macht stark!
(2014)
By way of migration, large numbers of German-speaking settlers arrived in Pennsylvania between roughly 1700 and 1750. Pennsylvania German, as a distinct variety, developed through levelling processes from L1 varieties of these migrants who came mainly from the southwestern regions of the German speaking area. Pennsylvania German is still spoken today by specific religious groups (primarily Amish and Menonnite groups) for many of whom it is an identity marker. My paper focuses on those Pennsylvania Germans who are not part of these religious groups but have the same migration history. Due to their being closer to the cultural values of American mainstream society, they were integrated into it, and during the 20th century their use of Pennsylvania German was continually diminishing. A revival of this heritage language has occurred over the past c. three decades, including language courses offered at community colleges, public libraries, etc., where ethnic Pennsylvania Germans wish to (re-)learn the language of their grandparents. Written Pennsylvania German data from four points in time between the 1860s and the 1990s were analysed in this study. Based on these linguistic analyses, differences between the data sets are shown that point towards a diachronic change in the language contact situation of Pennsylvania German speakers. Sociolinguistic and extralinguistic factors are considered that influence the role of PG and make their speakers heritage speakers much in the sense of recent immigrant heritage speakers, although delayed by 200 years.
Zwischen 1884 und 1914 standen verschiedene Regionen Afrikas und des Pazifiks unter der Kolonialherrschaft des deutschen Kaiserreichs. Teil dieses kolonialen Herrschaftsanspruches war es, Deutsch als Sprache der allgemeinen Kommunikation einzuführen. Um Deutschkenntnisse zu vermitteln, gab es gesetzliche Vorgaben, die den Umfang des Deutschunterrichts in den Schulen näher bestimmten.
The book investigates the diachronic dimension of contact-induced language change based on empirical data from Pennsylvania German (PG), a variety of German in long-term contact with English. Written data published in local print media from Pennsylvania (USA) between 1868 and 1992 are analyzed with respect to semantic changes in the argument structure of verbs, the use of impersonal constructions, word order changes in subordinate clauses and in prepositional phrase constructions.
The research objective is to trace language change based on diachronic empirical data, and to assess whether existing models of language contact make provisions to cover the long-term developments found in PG. The focus of the study is thus twofold: first, it provides a detailed analysis of selected semantic and syntactic changes in Pennsylvania German, and second, it links the empirical findings to theoretical approaches to language contact.
Previous investigations of PG have drawn a more or less static, rather than dynamic, picture of this contact variety. The present study explores how the dynamics of language contact can bring about language mixing, borrowing, and, eventually, language change, taking into account psycholinguistic processes in (the head of) the bilingual speaker.
During the second half of the 19th century, extended regions of the South Pacific came to be part of the German colonial empire. The colonial administration included repeated and diverse efforts to implement German as the official language in several settings (administration, government, education) in the colonial areas. Due to unfamiliar sociological and linguistic conditions, to competition with English as a(nother) prestigious colonizer language, and to the short time-span of the German colonial rule, these efforts rendered only little language-related effect. Nevertheless, some linguistic traces remained, and these seem to reflect in what areas language implementation was organized most thoroughly. The study combines two directions of investigation: First, taking a historical approach, legal and otherwise official documents and information are considered in order to understand how the implementation process was planned and (intended to be) carried out. Second, from a linguistic perspective, documented lexical borrowings and other traces of linguis tic contact are identified that can corroborate the historical findings by reflecting a greater effect of contact in such areas where the implementation of German was carried out most strictly. The goal of this paper is, firstly, to trace the political and missionary activities in language planning with regard to German in the colonial Pacific, rather similar to a modem language policy scenario when a new code of prestige or national unity is implemented. Secondly, these activities are evaluated in the face of the outcome that can be observed, in the historical practice as well as in long-term effects of language contact up until today.