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In the lexicon of pidgin and creole languages we can see an important part of these languages’ history of origin and of language contact. The current paper deals with the lexical sources of Tok Pisin and, more specifically, with words of German origin found in this language. During the period of German colonial domination of New Guinea and a number of insular territories in the Pacific (ca. 1885–1915), German words entered the emerging Tok Pisin lexicon. Based on a broad range of lexical and lexicographic data from the early 20th century up until today, we investigate the actual or presumed German origin of a number of Tok Pisin words and trace different lexical processes of integration that are linked to various, often though not always colonially determined, contact settings and sociocultural interactions.
In den zwei Jahrzehnten vor dem ersten Weltkrieg standen weite Teile des Südpazifik unter deutscher Verwaltung. Das Deutsche stand hier in einem eng umrissenen geographischen Areal über 700 anderen Sprachen gegenüber, was zu einer besonderen Situation in Bezug auf Sprachenpolitik, Sprachenverhältnisse und Sprachkontakt führte. Ein konkretes Beispiel für kontaktbedingten lexikalischen Einfluss in diesem Kontext bietet die sprachliche Situation auf der pazifischen Insel Nauru. Hier hielten sich zu Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts etwa zeitgleich zwei deutschsprachige Missionare auf, der Protestant Philip A. Delaporte und der Katholik Alois Kayser; beide trugen aktiv zur Dokumentation und schriftlichen Verwendung des Nauruischen bei. Ein Vergleich der Wörterbücher zeigt jedoch deutliche Unterschiede, v.a. in Bezug auf die Herkunft von Lehnwörtern, Während bei Delaporte in allen auf Nauruisch verfassten schriftlichen Dokumenten eine größere Zahl an deutschen Lehnwörtern auftritt, finden sich bei Kayser an deren Stelle häufig die entsprechenden englisch-basierten Lexeme, sofern die betreffenden Lemmata überhaupt erfasst sind. In der vorliegenden Untersuchung geht es um einen Vergleich der Wörterbücher von Delaporte und Kayser, wobei ergänzend eine Wortliste von Paul Hambruch (1914—15) sowie neuere nauruische Wortlisten (Nauruan Swadesh List 1954, Petit-Skinner 1981) herangezogen werden. Eine zentrale Fragestellung ist, wie sich die Unterschiede zwischen Delaporte und Kayser erklären lassen und welche Schlussfolgerungen aus solchen Unterschieden in der Sprachdokumentation für die weitere Erforschung dieser und vergleichbarer Kontaktsitutationen zu ziehen sind (Zuverlässigkeit bzw. Bewertung linguistischer Dokumente). Dabei kommen auch methodologische Gesichtspunkte zur Sprache, u.a. die Schwierigkeit, eine aussagekräftige und quantitativ ausreichende Datenbasis zusammenzustellen, die eine möglichst zuverlässige Grundlage für die Evaluierung einer solchen historischen Sprachkontaktsituation bieten kann.
During German colonialism in the Pacific, language contact between German and the local languages took place in different areas and in varying intensity. The numbers of native speakers of German were low, and in many cases German was not the means of communication, so that comparatively little language contact occurred naturally. Despite this situation, several native languages in the German colonial area integrated loanwords from German and preserved them up until today. Quantitative differences in borrowing between the affected languages are arguably due to extralinguistic factors influencing contact duration and intensity as well as local language attitudes. There is one area where the use of German was explicitly supported by the government: These are schools. The present paper investigates the numbers of students who came into contact with instruction of or in German. Many schools were mission-run, and in particular non-German missions had problems finding qualified teachers for their German instruction. Following an overview of population proportions regarding speakers of German and school attendance, this paper compares quantitative loanword data to contact opportunities with German in schools, drawing a tentative conclusion on whether instruction in German, as one extralinguistic factor influencing language contact, had a measurable effect on lexical borrowing from German.
Sprache macht stark!
(2014)
In long-standing language contact situations, SLA mechanisms can account for changes in LI. While it is obvious that LI influence on L2 can be accounted for as a transfer effect, I postulate that SLA effects are responsible for certain aspects of L2 influence on LI as well. This is transparent if early stages of SLA are compared to early stages of language contact: what is affected most in both cases is the lexicon. Examples are drawn from Pennsylvania German, a German-based language spoken in the USA and in contact with American English (AE) for c. 300 years. The data imply that the conceptual matrix of the Speakers’ minds has shifted from German to AE, resulting in constructions that can be traced to AE, while the conscious language choice is still German. This conceptual shift relates to a stage in SLA, when the learner begins to get a grasp of the internal systematicity of the L2 and reduces the transfer of structural LI material to L2, i.e. the beginning of a structuralization process in the learner’s interlanguage. The quality and sequence of the “invading” material in language contact is strikingly similar to the sequence of the material composed in the process of SLA, implying a close relationship
between the two processes.