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We investigate how the granularity of POS tags influences POS tagging, and furthermore, how POS tagging performance relates to parsing results. For this, we use the standard “pipeline” approach, in which a parser builds its output on previously tagged input. The experiments are performed on two German treebanks, using three POS tagsets of different granularity, and six different POS taggers, together with the Berkeley parser. Our findings show that less granularity of the POS tagset leads to better tagging results. However, both too coarse-grained and too fine-grained distinctions on POS level decrease parsing performance.
This study investigates cross-language differences in pitch range and variation in four languages from two language groups: English and German (Germanic) and Bulgarian and Polish (Slavic). The analysis is based on large multi-speaker corpora (48 speakers for Polish, 60 for each of the other three languages). Linear mixed models were computed that include various distributional measures of pitch level, span and variation, revealing characteristic differences across languages and between language groups. A classification experiment based on the relevant parameter measures (span, kurtosis and skewness values for pitch distributions for each speaker) succeeded in separating the language groups.
In diesem Beitrag wird an einigen Beispielen aus der nominalen Morphologie bzw. der Morphosyntax der deutschen Substantivgruppe gezeigt, wie sich in den Veränderungen in diesem Bereich, die sich über das 20. Jahrhundert hin beobachten lassen, Fragen eines langfristigen Systemwandels mit Regularitäten des Sprachgebrauchs überlagern. Im Mittelpunkt soll die Frage der Markierung der Kasus – insbesondere in den allgemein als „kritisch“ angesehenen Fällen von Genitiv und Dativ – stehen. Wenn man die Daten dazu betrachtet, sieht man, dass in den meisten Fällen schon zum Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts eine weitgehende Anpassung an die Regularitäten der Monoflexion erfolgt war, auch, dass dieser Prozess über das Jahrhundert hin fortschreitet. Bemerkenswert ist, dass insgesamt die als „alt“ angesehenen Fälle in den untersuchten Korpora geschriebener Sprache (sehr) selten auftauchen, dass aber in zunehmendem Ausmaß die daraus folgende Markiertheit in der einen oder anderen Weise funktional genutzt wird. Einen Fall eigener Art stellt in diesem Zusammenhang der Genitiv dar, der sich bei den starken Maskulina und Neutra bekanntlich dem Trend zur „Einmalmarkierung“ der Kasus an den flektierten, das Substantiv begleitenden Elementen widersetzt. Das führt zu der bekannten Orientierung dieser Formen auf die Nicht-Objekt-Verwendungen und auch zu einem auffälligen Maß an Variation in der Nutzung der entsprechenden Flexionsformen.
Designing a Bilingual Speech Corpus for French and German Language Learners: a Two-Step Process
(2014)
We present the design of a corpus of native and non-native speech for the language pair French-German, with a special emphasis on phonetic and prosodic aspects. To our knowledge there is no suitable corpus, in terms of size and coverage, currently available for the target language pair. To select the target L1-L2 interference phenomena we prepare a small preliminary corpus (corpus1), which is analyzed for coverage and cross-checked jointly by French and German experts. Based on this analysis, target phenomena on the phonetic and phonological level are selected on the basis of the expected degree of deviation from the native performance and the frequency of occurrence. 14 speakers performed both L2 (either French or German) and L1 material (either German or French). This allowed us to test, recordings duration, recordings material, the performance of our automatic aligner software. Then, we built corpus2 taking into account what we learned about corpus1. The aims are the same but we adapted speech material to avoid too long recording sessions. 100 speakers will be recorded. The corpus (corpus1 and corpus2) will be prepared as a searchable database, available for the scientific community after completion of the project.
The article investigates the conditions under which the w-relativizer was appears instead of the d-relativzer das in German relative clauses. Building on Wiese 2013, we argue that was constitutes the elsewhere case that applies when identification with the antecedent cannot be established by syntactic means via upward agreement with respect to phi-features. Corpuslinguistic results point to the conclusion that this is the case whenever there is no lexical nominal in the antecedent that, following Geach 1962 and Baker 2003, supplies a criterion of identity needed to establish sameness of reference between the antecedent and the relativizer.
Endungsvariation
(2014)