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Die empirische Untersuchung sprachlicher Variation setzt eine adäquate Datenbasis voraus, um möglichst zutreffende Schlussfolgerungen ziehen zu können. Citizen Science ist als empirischer Erhebungsansatz zunehmend in den Fokus der Sprachwissenschaft gerückt, da damit eine größere und potenziell sprachlich/sozial besser stratifizierte Datenbasis erhoben werden kann. Der vorliegende Aufsatz stellt ein Exponat vor, das 2022 auf dem Museumsschiff „MS Wissenschaft“ durch Deutschland und Österreich tourte und einer jungen Zielgruppe sprachliche Variation und sprachwissenschaftliche Forschungsmethoden näherbringen sollte. Außerdem enthielt es Citizen-Science-basierte Erhebungskomponenten, mit denen unter anderem Daten zu Schreibvarianten von Anglizismen gesammelt wurden. Hier werden erste Datenauswertungen vorgestellt und mit existierenden Forschungsdaten basierend auf Korpusanalysen verglichen.
The article investigates the hypothesis that prominence phenomena on different levels of linguistic structure are systematically related to each other. More specifically, it is hypothesized that prominence relations in morphosyntax reflect, and contribute to, prominence management in discourse. This hypothesis is empirically based on the phenomenon of agentivity clines, i.e. the observation that the relevance of agentivity features such as volition or sentience is variable across different constructions. While some constructions, including German DO-clefts, show a strong preference for highly agentive verbs, other constructions, including German basic active constructions, have no particular requirements regarding the agentivity of the verb, except that at least one agentivity feature should be present. Our hypothesis predicts that this variable relevance of agentivity features is related to the discourse constraints on the felicitous use of a given construction, which in turn, of course, requires an explicit statement of such constraints. We propose an original account of the discourse constraints on DO-clefts in German using the ‘Question Under Discussion’ framework. Here, we hypothesize that DO-clefts render prominent one implicit question from a set of alternative questions available at a particular point in the developing discourse. This then yields a prominent question-answer pair that changes the thematic structure of the discourse. We conclude with some observations on the possibility of relating morphosyntactic prominence (high agentivity) to discourse prominence (making a Question Under Discussion prominent by way of clefting).
The present paper reports two acceptability-rating experiments and a supporting corpus study for Polish that tested the acceptability and frequency of five verb classes (WATCH, SEE, HATE, KNOW, EXHIBIT), entailing different sets of agentivity features, in different syntactic constructions: a) the personal passive (e.g. zachód słońca był oglądany ‘the sunset was watched’), b) the impersonal -no/-to construction (e.g. oglądano zachód słońca ‘people/they/one watched the sunset’), and c) the personal active construction (e.g. niektórzy oglądali zachód słońca ‘some (people) watched the sunset’). We asked whether acceptability ratings would show identical acceptability clines across constructions affected by agentivity, as predicted from Dowty’s (1991) prototype account of semantic roles with feature accumulation as its central mechanism, or whether clines would vary depending on syntactic construction, as predicted from Himmelmann & Primus’ (2015) prominence account that uses feature weighting to describe role-related effects. In contrasting the applicability of these two accounts, we also investigated whether previous research findings from German replicate in Polish, thereby revealing cross-linguistic stability or variation. Our results show that the five verb classes yield different acceptability clines in all three Polish constructions and that the clines for Polish and German passives show cross-linguistic variation. This pattern cannot be explained by role prototypicality, so that the experiments provide further evidence for the prominence account of role-related effects in sentence interpretation. Moreover, our data suggest that experiencer verbs interact differently with the animacy of the subject referent, yielding different results for perception verbs (SEE), emotion verbs (HATE), and cognition verbs (KNOW).
Over the past decade, conducting empirical research in linguistics has become increasingly popular. The first of its kind, this book provides an engaging and practical introduction to this exciting versatile field, providing a comprehensive overview of research aspects in general, and covering a broad range of subdiscipline-specific methodological approaches. Subfields covered include language documentation and descriptive linguistics, language typology, corpus linguistics, sociolinguistics and anthropological linguistics, cognitive linguistics and psycholinguistics, and neurolinguistics. The book reflects on the strengths and weaknesses of each single approach and on how they interact with one-another across the study of language in its many diverse facets. It also includes exercises, example student projects and recommendations for further reading, along with additional online teaching materials. Providing hands-on experience, and written in an engaging and accessible style, this unique and comprehensive guide will give students the inspiration they need to develop their own research projects in empirical linguistics.
The teaching slides accompany the following textbook:
Svenja Völkel & Franziska Kretzschmar (2021): Introducing linguistic research. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
The slides follow the structure of the book chapters and can be used for teaching in class. They include the basic information per chapter and exercises to work on in class or as homework. More detailed information, additional exercises, suggestions for research projects and recommendations for further reading can be found in the textbook.
Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit den multiplen Referenzmöglichkeiten und der Multifunktionalität des deutschen Pronomens es, da es unter beiden Gesichtspunkten wesentliche Unterschiede zur maskulinen und femininen Form des Personalpronomens der 3. Person aufweist. So muss es beispielsweise nicht mit seinem Bezugsnomen hinsichtlich Genus- und Numerus kongruieren, es muss nicht einmal auf nominale Bezugsentitäten rekurrieren. Diese für ein Pronomen nicht-prototypischen Verweismöglichkeiten bedingen die Multifunktionalität von es, die innerhalb der germanistischen Linguistik rege diskutiert wird.