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In Adjektivreihungen ohne Determinierer ('in neuem korpuslinguistisch-em/-en Licht') und in Fügungen aus Pronominaladjektiv und attributivem Adjektiv ('mancher ausbildend-er/-e Betrieb') treten Schwankungen zwischen Parallel- und Wechselflexion auf, die von einem komplexen Zusammenspiel verschiedener grammatischer und außergrammatischer Faktoren beeinflusst werden. Auf der Basis einer explorativen Korpusstudie werden im vorliegenden Beitrag zunächst einschlägige Einflussgrößen identifiziert und deren Effektstärken geschätzt. Im Anschluss wird gezeigt, dass entgegen bisherigen Annahmen nach Pronominaladjektiven keine allgemeine Tendenz zur schwachen Flexion vorliegt, sondern mit Ausnahme des Kontextes Dat. Sg. Mask./Neutr. diachron eine Ausbreitung der Parallelflexion (stark/stark) beobachtbar ist.
The article investigates the conditions under which the w-relativizer was appears instead of the d-relativzer das in German relative clauses. Building on Wiese 2013, we argue that was constitutes the elsewhere case that applies when identification with the antecedent cannot be established by syntactic means via upward agreement with respect to phi-features. Corpuslinguistic results point to the conclusion that this is the case whenever there is no lexical nominal in the antecedent that, following Geach 1962 and Baker 2003, supplies a criterion of identity needed to establish sameness of reference between the antecedent and the relativizer.
This paper investigates the conditions that govern the choice between the German neuter singular relative pronouns das ‘that’ and was ‘what’. We show that das requires a lexical head noun, while in all other cases was is usually the preferred option; therefore, the distribution of das and was is most successfully captured by an approach that does not treat was as an exception but analyzes it as the elsewhere case that applies when the relativizer fails to pick up a lexical gender feature from the head noun. We furthermore show how the non-uniform behavior of different types of nominalized adjectives (positives allow both options, while superlatives trigger was) can be attributed to semantic differences rooted in syntactic structure. In particular, we argue that superlatives select was due to the presence of a silent counterpart of the quantifier alles ‘all’ that is part of the superlative structure.
Grammatische Strukturen verbinden Systeme des Denkens und Systeme des Sprechens und Zeigens, deren jeweilige Bedingungen kaum zueinander zu passen scheinen. Der Reparaturansatz betrachtet den regulären Umgang mit Übersetzungsproblemen innerhalb des grammatischen Systems und an seinen Schnittstellen als konstitutiv für Expressivität und Ökonomie der Sprache. Reparaturen sind produktive Wiedergutmachungs- und Anpassungsmechanismen, die linguistische Phänomene als Reflex der Kompensation für derivationelle oder interpretative Schäden erklären.
Relativpronomenselektion und grammatische Variation: 'was' vs. 'das' in attributiven Relativsätzen
(2019)
This paper focuses on the origin of the V2 property in the history of Germanic. Considering data from Gothic and Old English (OE), it is suggested that the historical core of the V2 phenomenon reduces to V-to-C movement that is triggered in operator contexts. Therefore, the historical system shares basic propertieswith limited V2 in Modern English. It is shown that apparent deviations from this pattern that can be observed in Gothic can be attributed to the influence of Greek word order. Concerning the apparently more elaborate V2 properties of OE, it is claimed that a large part of them in fact do not involve a Spec-head relation, but rather result from linear adjacency between the clause-initial element and a finite verb located in T0. Special attention is paid to the placement of pronominal subjects in OE, which are claimed to occupy SpecTP. This contrasts with a lower position of full subjects due to the absence of an EPP in OE. Finally, the loss of superficial V2 orders in the Middle English period is attributed to the development of an EPP feature in T.
Sprachliche Variation
(2018)
Der Beitrag diskutiert anhand von Kongruenzschwankungen im Zusammenhang mit Subjektreihungen verschiedene Aspekte sprachlicher Variation. Es wird gezeigt, wie mithilfe einer Korpusstudie grammatische Faktoren ermittelt werden können, die die Verteilung der Varianten steuern. Im Anschluss wird eine Analyse vorgestellt, die Variation darauf zurückführt, dass syntaktische Strukturen, die an der Schnittstelle zur Morphologie/Phonologie nicht vollständig interpretierbar sind, auf verschiedene Arten repariert werden können.
This paper discusses the categorial status of nominalized adjectives, which share formal properties with both adjectives and nouns, in present-day German. Based on a corpus study conducted in the Deutsches Referenzkorpus (DeReKo), it is shown that different types of deadjectival nouns do not behave uniformly with respect to pronoun choice in attributive relative clauses. While nominalized positives (in the neuter gender) preferably combine with the regular relative pronoun das ‘that’, superlatives strongly favor relativization by means of the corresponding wh-form was ‘what’. The contrasts are taken to reflect structural differences in the internal make-up of the respective categories that give rise to different degrees of ‘nouniness’.