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Introduction
(2023)
In den letzten Jahren ist der konzessive Konnektor verstärkt in den Fokus der Gesprochene-Sprache-Forschung (GSF) geraten. Diese hat an authentischen Hörbeispielen eine Grammatikalisierungstendenz von dessen konzessiver, einräumender Bedeutung zur korrektiven Diskursmarkierung nachgewiesen. Im Anschluss insbesondere an die Forschungsergebnisse von Günthner (1999, 2000a, 2002, 2005, 2008) hat dann Moraldo (2012a, 2012b) zum einen versucht nachzuweisen, dass auch in schriftbasierten neumedialen Kommunikationsplattformen (z.B. Twitter) diese Hauptsatzwortstellung nach obwohl mittlerweile vorkommt. Zum anderen, dass Korrektivsätze vereinzelt auch in standardschriftsprachlichen Texten auftreten. (vgl. Moraldo 2012c). Der folgende Beitrag will nun die Entwicklung der Subjunktion obwohl zum Diskursmarker nachvollziehen. Ausgehend von seiner konzessiven Bedeutung (Kap. 2) soll korrektives obwohl zuerst anhand gesprochensprachlicher Beispiele illustriert, dann in konzeptionell mündlichen aber medial schriftlichen Kontexten analysiert und schließlich in standardschriftsprachlichen Texten nachgewiesen werden (Kap. 3), bevor abschließend seine Mutation von subordinierendem Konnektor zum Diskursmarker (Kap. 4) diskutiert wird.
The paper is concerned with the filling of the right edge of a German clause with different constituents: subconstituents of the clause, arguments and modifiers of the NP, appositions and right-dislocated elements. It is argued that these different ways of filling the right edge come about in quite different ways. Subconstituents of the clause are base generated at the right edge in syntax. Constituents of the NP and appositions get to the right edge postsyntactically, i.e., they are linearised there only in the phonological component. Finally, the appearance of right-dislocated constituents is the result of two well-established deletion processes operating on two adjacent clauses.
The different mechanisms allow us to understand differences these elements show regarding positioning inside the right edge, binding and intonation. An important empirical generalisation put forward in the IDS-grammar can be captured. The grammar's controversial assumption that the right edge comprises a part which is disintegrated in between two syntactically integrated parts can be shown to be superfluous.
This paper shows how experimental methods can advance syntactic description and syntactic theory. The empirical domain is the order of verbs in German verb clusters containing a modal verb in the perfect. Such clusters are special insofar as prescriptive grammar requires the finite verb to appear in cluster-initial instead of cluster-final position (e.g., hat lesen müssen 'has read must' instead of lesen müssen hat 'read must has'). Contrary to this requirement, experiments show that native speakers accept the auxiliary also in later positions as long as it precedes the modal verb. The acceptability data are corroborated by corpus data and experimental data from language production. The relevance of the experimental data for syntactic theory are discussed.
Close repetitions of lexical material can create an impression of clumsiness in the style of Italian prose, while they seem to be accepted with more ease in German. The present study shows that this traditional claim needs some further differentiation. The negative effects on style take place in Italian when informationally prominent words are repeated, while informational background material may - and in certain cases even must - be repeated for clarity. The comparative study investigates lexical, syntactic and prosodic resources for indicating adversative (contrast) relations in argumentative texts from the field of humanities, written in Italian and German. It shows that, for encoding this kind of relation, Italian depends very much on lexical resources, including repetitions of words, while German makes more use of syntactic and prosodic parallelism. As a consequence, German can often dispense with adversative connectives and allows to employ word repetitions for different purposes.
Der Beitrag fokussiert ausgewählte Vorkommen des nicht-phorischen es. Es wird argumentiert, dass das formale Subjekt-es im Vergleich zum formalen Objekt-es insofern eine größere Variabilität zeigt, als Ersteres lexikalische und grammatische Konstruktionen konstituiert, während Letzteres nur in lexikalischen Konstruktionen erscheint. Zur Differenzierung wird der Begriff der Idiomatizität herangezogen, deren Beschaffenheit in sprachvergleichender Perspektive, mit Ungarisch als Kontrastsprache exemplarisch gezeigt wird.
Null subjects (NSs) have been a central research topic in generative syntax ever since the 1980s. This chapter considers the situation of German NSs both from a dialectological and from a diachronic perspective and attempts to reconstruct a direct line concerning the licensing conditions of pro-drop from Old High German (OHG) through Middle High German (MHG) and Early New High German (ENHG) to current dialects of New High German (NHG). Particularly, we will argue that German changed from a consistent, yet asymmetric pro-drop language to a partial, but symmetric one. In order to demonstrate that this development took place and the steps involved, we survey the existing empirical evidence and introduce new data.
We present zu-excessive structures like Otto ist zu schwer ‘Otto is too heavy’ as instantiations of comparatives that have been reflexivized. Comparatives express asymmetric relations between distinguished referents, but reflexivization identifies argument places (or reduces two argument places to one), leading to a Symmetrie relation. Reflexivization is thus in conflict with the asymmetry property of comparatives and leads to an intermediate semantic representation that is con- tradictory. Two experiments substantiate that zu-excessives share this property with privative adjective and animal-for-statue constructions that similarly give rise to contradictory semantics. The processing of any of the constructions mentioned yields a positivity in the event-related-potential signature characteristic of concep- tual reorganization; however, the observed positivity occurs earlier in the case of zu-excessives than in the other cases. We propose this difference is due to zu signalling the mandatory preparation for an ensuing repair rather than reflecting the repair Operation itself that involves manipulating the Standard of comparison, coded elsewhere in the String (if at all).