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Close repetitions of lexical material can create an impression of clumsiness in the style of Italian prose, while they seem to be accepted with more ease in German. The present study shows that this traditional claim needs some further differentiation. The negative effects on style take place in Italian when informationally prominent words are repeated, while informational background material may - and in certain cases even must - be repeated for clarity. The comparative study investigates lexical, syntactic and prosodic resources for indicating adversative (contrast) relations in argumentative texts from the field of humanities, written in Italian and German. It shows that, for encoding this kind of relation, Italian depends very much on lexical resources, including repetitions of words, while German makes more use of syntactic and prosodic parallelism. As a consequence, German can often dispense with adversative connectives and allows to employ word repetitions for different purposes.
This paper deals with different types of verbal complementation of the German verb verdienen. It focuses on constructions that have been undergoing a grammaticalization process and thus express deontic modality, as in Sie verdient geliebt zu werden (ʽShe deserves to be lovedʼ) and Sie verdient zu leben (ʽShe deserves to liveʼ) (Diewald, Dekalo & Czicza 2021). These constructions are connected to parallel complementation types with passive and active infinitives containing a correlate es, as in Sie verdient es, geliebt zu werden and Sie verdient es, zu leben, as well as finite clauses with the subordinator dass with and without correlative es, as in Sie verdient, dass sie geliebt wird and Sie verdient es, dass sie geliebt wird. This paper attempts to show a close comparative investigation of these six types of constructions based on their relevant semantic and syntactic properties in terms of clause linkage (Lehmann 1988). We analyze the relevant data retrieved from the DWDS corpus of the 20th century and present an expanded grammaticalization path for verdienen-constructions. The finite complementation with dass is regarded as an example of a separate structural option called “elaboration”. Concerning the use of correlative es, it is shown that it does not have any substantial effect on the grammaticalization of modal verdienen-constructions.
Lexikalische Wiederholungen nehmen in der Lehre von den rhetorischen Stilfiguren viel Raum ein; in der Linguistik des schriftsprachlichen Deutsch spielen sie dagegen kaum ein Rolle. Die Arbeit überprüft, inwieweit sich die Funktionsweise zweier Figuren der meist unmittelbaren Ausdruckswiederholung, der Geminatio und der Anadiplose, auf der Basis von Standardannahmen zur Syntax, Semantik und Pragmatik des Deutschen erklären lässt.
Zugrunde liegt der Arbeit eine Sammlung von über 700 Instanzen der Geminatio und Anadiplose aus deutschsprachigen Gedichten des 17. bis 21. Jahrhunderts. Es wird daran gezeigt, wie die Geminatio unter Ausnutzung von satztopologischen und NP-internen Positionierungen und darauf aufbauenden bedeutungskompositionellen und implikaturenbasierten Prozessen der Bedeutungkonstitution zum ikonischen Ausdruck der Gradierung von Eigenschaften dient. Die Anadiplose wiederum entpuppt sich als Mittel zur Hervorhebung von Themen und Propositionen, die pragmatisch und informationsstrukturell auf ihrer Einbindung in Herausstellungskonstruktionen und Satzverknüpfungen gründet.
Damit liefern die beiden rhetorischen Figuren kaum Argumente für die Abweichungstheorie literarischer Sprache, derzufolge die Sprachverwendung in literarischen und insbesondere lyrischen Texten oft nicht den Regeln und dem Usus des nicht-literarischen Deutsch folgt. Die Funktionsweise der Geminatio und der Anadiplose ist gut in das syntaktische, semantische und pragmatische System des Deutschen eingebunden. Insbesondere die Geminatio zeigt dabei in Gedichten auch deutliche Parallelen zu entsprechenden Phänomenen im gesprochenen Deutsch.
Der Beitrag fokussiert ausgewählte Vorkommen des nicht-phorischen es. Es wird argumentiert, dass das formale Subjekt-es im Vergleich zum formalen Objekt-es insofern eine größere Variabilität zeigt, als Ersteres lexikalische und grammatische Konstruktionen konstituiert, während Letzteres nur in lexikalischen Konstruktionen erscheint. Zur Differenzierung wird der Begriff der Idiomatizität herangezogen, deren Beschaffenheit in sprachvergleichender Perspektive, mit Ungarisch als Kontrastsprache exemplarisch gezeigt wird.
Null subjects (NSs) have been a central research topic in generative syntax ever since the 1980s. This chapter considers the situation of German NSs both from a dialectological and from a diachronic perspective and attempts to reconstruct a direct line concerning the licensing conditions of pro-drop from Old High German (OHG) through Middle High German (MHG) and Early New High German (ENHG) to current dialects of New High German (NHG). Particularly, we will argue that German changed from a consistent, yet asymmetric pro-drop language to a partial, but symmetric one. In order to demonstrate that this development took place and the steps involved, we survey the existing empirical evidence and introduce new data.
We present zu-excessive structures like Otto ist zu schwer ‘Otto is too heavy’ as instantiations of comparatives that have been reflexivized. Comparatives express asymmetric relations between distinguished referents, but reflexivization identifies argument places (or reduces two argument places to one), leading to a Symmetrie relation. Reflexivization is thus in conflict with the asymmetry property of comparatives and leads to an intermediate semantic representation that is con- tradictory. Two experiments substantiate that zu-excessives share this property with privative adjective and animal-for-statue constructions that similarly give rise to contradictory semantics. The processing of any of the constructions mentioned yields a positivity in the event-related-potential signature characteristic of concep- tual reorganization; however, the observed positivity occurs earlier in the case of zu-excessives than in the other cases. We propose this difference is due to zu signalling the mandatory preparation for an ensuing repair rather than reflecting the repair Operation itself that involves manipulating the Standard of comparison, coded elsewhere in the String (if at all).
This paper investigates the use of linking adverbs in adversative constructions in German and Italian. In Italian those constructions are very frequently formulated with adverbs such as invece, while wordings without a lexical connective are more typical of German. Corpus data show that the syntactic und semantic conditions favouring the use of adversative adverbs are by and large the same in both languages. Lexical connectives can increase explicitness when the intended adversative interpretation is not obvious on other grounds. The higher frequency of adversative adverbs in Italian is shown to be a consequence of the more restrictive rules of the placement of prosodic accent.