Quantitative Linguistik
Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Article (21)
- Part of a Book (19)
- Other (3)
- Doctoral Thesis (1)
- Working Paper (1)
Keywords
- Sprachstatistik (16)
- Deutsch (14)
- Wortschatz (12)
- Korpus <Linguistik> (11)
- Lexikostatistik (10)
- COVID-19 (8)
- Online-Medien (8)
- Vielfalt (8)
- Sprachwandel (6)
- Statistik (5)
Publicationstate
- Veröffentlichungsversion (26)
- Zweitveröffentlichung (18)
- Postprint (9)
Reviewstate
Publisher
- Leibniz-Institut für Deutsche Sprache (IDS) (7)
- Wilhelm Fink (6)
- de Gruyter (4)
- De Gruyter (3)
- Institut für Deutsche Sprache (2)
- MDPI (2)
- Springer Nature (2)
- Benjamins (1)
- Buske (1)
- Erich Schmidt (1)
Die ansprechende und geeignete Visualisierung linguistischer Daten gewinnt analog zum steigenden Einfluss quantitativer Methoden in der Linguistik immer mehr an Bedeutung. R ist eine flexible und freie Entwicklungsumgebung zur Umsetzung von statistischen Analysen, die zahlreiche Optionen zur Datenvisualisierung bereithält und sehr gut für große Datensätze geeignet ist. Statistische Analysen und Visualisierungen von Daten werden auf diese Weise in einer Umgebung verzahnt. Durch die zahlreichen Zusatzpakete stehen auch weiterhin zeitgemäße Methoden zur Verfügung, um (linguistische) Daten zu analysieren und darzustellen.
Der Beitrag vermittelt einen stark anwendungsorientierten Einstieg in das Programm und legt mithilfe von vielen praktischen Übungen und Anwendungsbeispielen die Grundlagen für ein eigenständiges Weiterentwickeln der individuellen Fähigkeiten im Umgang mit der Software. Neben einer kurzen, eher theoretisch angelegten Einleitung zu explorativen und explanatorischen Visualisierungsstrategien von Daten werden verschiedene Pakete vorgestellt, die für die Visualisierung in R benutzt werden können.
How (and when) do speakers generalise from memorised exemplars of a construction to a productive schema? The present paper presents a novel take on this issue by offering a corpus-based approach to semantic extension processes. Focusing on clusters of German ADJ N expressions involving the heavily polysemous adjective tief ‚deep’, it is shown that type frequency (a commonly used measure of productivity) needs to be relativised to distinct semantic classes within the overall usage spectrum of a given construction in order to predict the occurrence of novel types within a particular region of this spectrum. Some methodological and theoretical implications for usage-based linguistic model building are considered.
In the first volume of Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory, Gries (2005. Null-hypothesis significance testing of word frequencies: A follow-up on Kilgarriff. Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory 1(2). doi:10.1515/ cllt.2005.1.2.277. http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/cllt.2005.1.issue-2/cllt.2005. 1.2.277/cllt.2005.1.2.277.xml: 285) asked whether corpus linguists should abandon null-hypothesis significance testing. In this paper, I want to revive this discussion by defending the argument that the assumptions that allow inferences about a given population – in this case about the studied languages – based on results observed in a sample – in this case a collection of naturally occurring language data – are not fulfilled. As a consequence, corpus linguists should indeed abandon null-hypothesis significance testing.
Sound units play a pivotal role in cognitive models of auditory comprehension. The general consensus is that during perception listeners break down speech into auditory words and subsequently phones. Indeed, cognitive speech recognition is typically taken to be computationally intractable without phones. Here we present a computational model trained on 20 hours of conversational speech that recognizes word meanings within the range of human performance (model 25%, native speakers 20–44%), without making use of phone or word form representations. Our model also generates successfully predictions about the speed and accuracy of human auditory comprehension. At the heart of the model is a ‘wide’ yet sparse two-layer artificial neural network with some hundred thousand input units representing summaries of changes in acoustic frequency bands, and proxies for lexical meanings as output units. We believe that our model holds promise for resolving longstanding theoretical problems surrounding the notion of the phone in linguistic theory.
Languages employ different strategies to transmit structural and grammatical information. While, for example, grammatical dependency relationships in sentences are mainly conveyed by the ordering of the words for languages like Mandarin Chinese, or Vietnamese, the word ordering is much less restricted for languages such as Inupiatun or Quechua, as these languages (also) use the internal structure of words (e.g. inflectional morphology) to mark grammatical relationships in a sentence. Based on a quantitative analysis of more than 1,500 unique translations of different books of the Bible in almost 1,200 different languages that are spoken as a native language by approximately 6 billion people (more than 80% of the world population), we present large-scale evidence for a statistical trade-off between the amount of information conveyed by the ordering of words and the amount of information conveyed by internal word structure: languages that rely more strongly on word order information tend to rely less on word structure information and vice versa. Or put differently, if less information is carried within the word, more information has to be spread among words in order to communicate successfully. In addition, we find that–despite differences in the way information is expressed–there is also evidence for a trade-off between different books of the biblical canon that recurs with little variation across languages: the more informative the word order of the book, the less informative its word structure and vice versa. We argue that this might suggest that, on the one hand, languages encode information in very different (but efficient) ways. On the other hand, content-related and stylistic features are statistically encoded in very similar ways.
This thesis consists of the following three papers that all have been published in international peer-reviewed journals:
Chapter 3: Koplenig, Alexander (2015c). The Impact of Lacking Metadata for the Measurement of Cultural and Linguistic Change Using the Google Ngram Data Sets—Reconstructing the Composition of the German Corpus in Times of WWII. Published in: Digital Scholarship in the Humanities. Oxford: Oxford University Press. [doi:10.1093/llc/fqv037]
Chapter 4: Koplenig, Alexander (2015b). Why the quantitative analysis of dia-chronic corpora that does not consider the temporal aspect of time-series can lead to wrong conclusions. Published in: Digital Scholarship in the Humanities. Oxford: Oxford University Press. [doi:10.1093/llc/fqv030]
Chapter 5: Koplenig, Alexander (2015a). Using the parameters of the Zipf–Mandelbrot law to measure diachronic lexical, syntactical and stylistic changes – a large-scale corpus analysis. Published in: Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory. Berlin/Boston: de Gruyter. [doi:10.1515/cllt-2014-0049]
Chapter 1 introduces the topic by describing and discussing several basic concepts relevant to the statistical analysis of corpus linguistic data. Chapter 2 presents a method to analyze diachronic corpus data and a summary of the three publications. Chapters 3 to 5 each represent one of the three publications. All papers are printed in this thesis with the permission of the publishers.
In dem Beitrag wird der Frage nachgegangen, inwiefern die Frequenz eines Wortes mit seiner orthographischen Richtigschreibung zusammenhangt. Werden häufige Wörter öfter und früher richtig geschrieben? Und welche Rolle spielt dabei die orthographische Regelhaftigkeit der Wortstrukturen? Unter Zuhilfenahme maschineller Analyseverfahren aus der Großstudie "Automatisierte Rechtschreibdiagnostik" (Fay/Berkling/Stüker 2012) werden diesbezuglich über 1000 Schülertexte von Klasse 2 bis 8 untersucht. Im Ergebnis werden zum einen einige Annahmen, die bislang vor allem auf Erfahrungswerten aus der sprachdidaktischen Arbeit fußten, empirisch bestätigt, zum anderen werden sie hinsichtlich spezifischer Rechtschreibphänomene differenziert und erweitert.
According to a widespread conception, quantitative linguistics will eventually be able to explain empirical quantitative findings (such as Zipf’s Law) by deriving them from highly general stochastic linguistic ‘laws’ that are assumed to be part of a general theory of human language (cf. Best (1999) for a summary of possible theoretical positions). Due to their formal proximity to methods used in the so-called exact sciences, theoretical explanations of this kind are assumed to be superior to the supposedly descriptive-only approaches of linguistic structuralism and its successors. In this paper I shall try to argue that on close inspection such claims turn out to be highly problematic, both on linguistic and on science-theoretical grounds.
Das Lexikon menschlicher Sprachen basiert auf quantitativen Verteilungen, die sich am Zipfschen Gesetz orientieren: Wenige Lexeme werden extrem häufig verwendet und sehr, sehr viele Lexeme sind extrem selten. Auch funktional zusammenhängende Teilwortschätze wie Wörter einer bestimmten Wortart, Verben, die in einem bestimmten Argumentstrukturmuster auftreten, oder Komposita zu einem bestimmten Grundwort zeigen ähnliche Frequenzverteilungen, weisen aber auch jeweils typische Abweichungen von einer Zipfschen Verteilung auf. Zipfnahe Verteilungen sind charakteristisch für dynamische, selbstorganisierende Systeme, und Veränderungen im Wortschatz oder in Teilwortschätzen sind insofern auf der Basis solcher Verteilungen zu interpretieren. Der Artikel plädiert dafür, lexikologischen Sprachdokumentationen ein dynamisches Lexikonkonzept zugrunde zu legen, in dem die Verteilungscharakteristika als Grundlage der Wortschatzstruktur eine zentrale Rolle spielen.
The article investigates the conditions under which the w-relativizer was appears instead of the d-relativzer das in German relative clauses. Building on Wiese 2013, we argue that was constitutes the elsewhere case that applies when identification with the antecedent cannot be established by syntactic means via upward agreement with respect to phi-features. Corpuslinguistic results point to the conclusion that this is the case whenever there is no lexical nominal in the antecedent that, following Geach 1962 and Baker 2003, supplies a criterion of identity needed to establish sameness of reference between the antecedent and the relativizer.