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The annual microcensus provides Germany’s most important official statistics. Unlike a census it does not cover the whole population, but a representative 1%-sample of it. In 2017, the German microcensus asked a question on the language of the population, i.e. ‘Which language is mainly spoken in your household?’ Unfortunately, the question, its design and its position within the whole microcensus’ questionnaire feature several shortcomings. The main shortcoming is that multilingual repertoires cannot be captured by it. Recommendations for the improvement of the microcensus’ language question: first and foremost the question (i.e. its wording, design, and answer options) should make it possible to count multilingual repertoires.
Seit 2017 wird im deutschen Mikrozensus eine Frage zur Sprache der Bevölkerung gestellt. Die letzte Spracherhebung in einem deutschen Zensus datiert aus dem Jahr 1939; entsprechend gibt es aktuell keine aussagekräftigen Sprachstatistiken in Deutschland. Die neue Sprachfrage des Mikrozensus weist jedoch erhebliche Mängel auf; offensichtlich wurde sie als Stellvertreterfrage zur Messung kultureller Integration konzipiert. Im vorliegenden Text werden die Fragen diskutiert und ihre ersten Ergebnisse analysiert. Daran anschließend werden andere Varianten von Sprachfragen dargestellt, dabei wird insbesondere auf die vorbildlichen Sprachfragen im kanadischen Zensus eingegangen. Abschließend wird die Sprachfrage der Deutschland-Erhebung 2018 des IDS inklusive ihrer Ergebnisse vorgestellt; die Deutschland-Erhebung 2018 stellt neben dem Mikrozensus bislang die einzige repräsentative Spracherhebung in Deutschland dar.
Sound units play a pivotal role in cognitive models of auditory comprehension. The general consensus is that during perception listeners break down speech into auditory words and subsequently phones. Indeed, cognitive speech recognition is typically taken to be computationally intractable without phones. Here we present a computational model trained on 20 hours of conversational speech that recognizes word meanings within the range of human performance (model 25%, native speakers 20–44%), without making use of phone or word form representations. Our model also generates successfully predictions about the speed and accuracy of human auditory comprehension. At the heart of the model is a ‘wide’ yet sparse two-layer artificial neural network with some hundred thousand input units representing summaries of changes in acoustic frequency bands, and proxies for lexical meanings as output units. We believe that our model holds promise for resolving longstanding theoretical problems surrounding the notion of the phone in linguistic theory.
In dem Beitrag wird der Frage nachgegangen, inwiefern die Frequenz eines Wortes mit seiner orthographischen Richtigschreibung zusammenhangt. Werden häufige Wörter öfter und früher richtig geschrieben? Und welche Rolle spielt dabei die orthographische Regelhaftigkeit der Wortstrukturen? Unter Zuhilfenahme maschineller Analyseverfahren aus der Großstudie "Automatisierte Rechtschreibdiagnostik" (Fay/Berkling/Stüker 2012) werden diesbezuglich über 1000 Schülertexte von Klasse 2 bis 8 untersucht. Im Ergebnis werden zum einen einige Annahmen, die bislang vor allem auf Erfahrungswerten aus der sprachdidaktischen Arbeit fußten, empirisch bestätigt, zum anderen werden sie hinsichtlich spezifischer Rechtschreibphänomene differenziert und erweitert.
We compare the use of überhaupt and sowieso in Dutch and German. We use the world-wide web as the main resource and pursue a zigzag strategy, trying to find usages going back and forth between dictionaries, intuitions and real data obtained through web search. To our surprise, the results more or less confirm the decision of Dutch dictionaries to consider überhaupt and sowieso synonymous. In German, we find no synonymy, but only a great overlap of usage conditions in declarative sentences.
We present a technique called event mapping that allows to project text representations into event lists, produce an event table, and derive quantitative conclusions to compare the text representations. The main application of the technique is the case where two classes of text representations have been collected in two different settings (e.g., as annotations in two different formal frameworks) and we can compare the two classes with respect to their systematic differences in the event table. We illustrate how the technique works by applying it to data collected in two experiments (one using annotations in Vladimir Propp’s framework, the other using natural language summaries).
In the first volume of Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory, Gries (2005. Null-hypothesis significance testing of word frequencies: A follow-up on Kilgarriff. Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory 1(2). doi:10.1515/ cllt.2005.1.2.277. http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/cllt.2005.1.issue-2/cllt.2005. 1.2.277/cllt.2005.1.2.277.xml: 285) asked whether corpus linguists should abandon null-hypothesis significance testing. In this paper, I want to revive this discussion by defending the argument that the assumptions that allow inferences about a given population – in this case about the studied languages – based on results observed in a sample – in this case a collection of naturally occurring language data – are not fulfilled. As a consequence, corpus linguists should indeed abandon null-hypothesis significance testing.
Large-scale empirical evidence indicates a fascinating statistical relationship between the estimated number of language users and its linguistic and statistical structure. In this context, the linguistic niche hypothesis argues that this relationship reflects a negative selection against morphological paradigms that are hard to learn for adults, because languages with a large number of speakers are assumed to be typically spoken and learned by greater proportions of adults. In this paper, this conjecture is tested empirically for more than 2000 languages. The results question the idea of the impact of non-native speakers on the grammatical and statistical structure of languages, as it is demonstrated that the relative proportion of non-native speakers does not significantly correlate with either morphological or information-theoretic complexity. While it thus seems that large numbers of adult learners/speakers do not affect the (grammatical or statistical) structure of a language, the results suggest that there is indeed a relationship between the number of speakers and (especially) information-theoretic complexity, i.e. entropy rates. A potential explanation for the observed relationship is discussed.