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This article targets a distinctive kind of root structures in German formed by minimally two phrases but lacking an overt verbal predicate like i.a. die Guten ins Tröpfchen, die Schlechten ins Kröpfchen, jedem ein Bier or in den Müll mit dem Dreck. Certain instantiations of these patterns have been dubbed verblose Direktiva by Jacobs (2008) who provides an account in terms of construction grammar. Müller (2011), on the other hand, proposes an anti-passive analysis of the phenomenon. However, these apparent verbless root structures show conspicuous parallels in form and interpretation to another type of non-finite root structures in German, namely root infinitives. Both exclude an overt subject expression and both have a modal interpretation. Referring to these parallels, an analysis is elaborated which employs a empty verbal category. The overt consituents, then, are hosted by the (possibly extended) projection of the empty verb. Furthermore, this analysis captures a broader range of data, in particular instances formed by concatenated NPDAT-NPAKK or NPAKK-PP.
The paper is concerned with the filling of the right edge of a German clause with different constituents: subconstituents of the clause, arguments and modifiers of the NP, appositions and right-dislocated elements. It is argued that these different ways of filling the right edge come about in quite different ways. Subconstituents of the clause are base generated at the right edge in syntax. Constituents of the NP and appositions get to the right edge postsyntactically, i.e., they are linearised there only in the phonological component. Finally, the appearance of right-dislocated constituents is the result of two well-established deletion processes operating on two adjacent clauses.
The different mechanisms allow us to understand differences these elements show regarding positioning inside the right edge, binding and intonation. An important empirical generalisation put forward in the IDS-grammar can be captured. The grammar's controversial assumption that the right edge comprises a part which is disintegrated in between two syntactically integrated parts can be shown to be superfluous.
In current corpuslinguistic investigations, especially the collection of linguistic data and the frequency of linguistic phenomena (i.e. in the "linguistic matter") is in the center of interest of morphological discussions. This paper argues in favor of taking also morphological "antimatter" in account, i.e. surveying the structure of words containing morphological restrictions which cannot be proven systematically. With recourse to Popper's falsificationism and starting with prominent restrictions in the morphology of German, the article discusses theoretical consequences and chances for morphological theory with special emphasis on morphological change, i.e. when antimatter becomes matter and vice versa.
Constructionist approaches to grammar do not draw a clear distinction between lexicon and grammar, as generative "words and rules" accounts do. Rather, they conceptualize grammar and lexicon as a continuum of constructions of greater or lesser complexity and abstraction. In this paper, i explore the implications of this paradigm shift for the applied discipline of grammaticography. If we abandon the distinction between grammar and lexicon, should we also abandon the distinction between grammar, books and dictionaries? Drawing on a case study on the treatment of verbless constructions in the "IDS-Grammatik", it is argued that constructions should play a greater role in grammar books, but that grammar books still need to provide access to general principles of grammar.
The linear analysis of sentences is part of every grammatical description of German, often based on the theory of 'Topologische Felder' ('topological fields'). According to this theory, German sentences are composed of so-called 'Felder' ('fields') that can be filled by differents kinds of syntactic expressions. One widespread assumption is that some of the fields can be left empty, depending on the kind of sentence, another widespread assumption is that some of the fields are only optional. We will show that not all kinds of empty positions or fields which are adopted in different versions of topological theories are motivated. But this seems to be essential if we take the theory of topological fields serious. The following is an attempt of clarification.
The paper provides a survey about grammatical variation in German and discusses the consequences for grammar books: How can they describe systematic differences between several varieties as well as the core system of German as an individual language? Proceeding from the differentiation between extra- and intralinguistic explanations for grammatical variation and from theoretic considerations on the notion of 'system' the paper discusses different possibilities of modeling the relationship between system and variation. It argues for a modular concept with a core system that provides the option of internal variation and modular systems that contain grammatical phenomena which are specific for certain varieties.
The paper attempts to bridge the gap between semantics and the conceptualization and teaching of grammar at secondary school exemplarily concerning German demonstratives dies- and jen-. I show that existing accounts of these demonstratives in reference grammars and school books are far from being satisfactory, whilst at least for dies-, if not for jen-, there exist comprehensive linguistic analyses. I adapt these to offer a semantic analysis for jen- using corpus data from modern German with pronominal and adnominal jen-, and propose a didactically applicable category of 'shared mental space' of the speaker and the hearer for the demonstratives: I argue that speakers use demonstrative reference to anchor the referent inside resp. outside their and the hearers' shared mental space.
Null subjects (NSs) have been a central research topic in generative syntax ever since the 1980s. This chapter considers the situation of German NSs both from a dialectological and from a diachronic perspective and attempts to reconstruct a direct line concerning the licensing conditions of pro-drop from Old High German (OHG) through Middle High German (MHG) and Early New High German (ENHG) to current dialects of New High German (NHG). Particularly, we will argue that German changed from a consistent, yet asymmetric pro-drop language to a partial, but symmetric one. In order to demonstrate that this development took place and the steps involved, we survey the existing empirical evidence and introduce new data.
Präpositionalphrasen
(2018)
Wortarten
(2018)