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Seit fast 20 Jahren betreibt das Institut für Deutsche Sprache (IDS) das grammatische Informationssystem grammis (https://grammis.ids-mannheim.de). Grammis vermittelt den hochkomplexen Gegenstandsbereich Grammatik unter Ausnutzung digitaler Sprachressourcen und hypertextueller Navigationsstrukturen gleichermaßen wissenschaftlich fundiert und anschaulich. Forschungsergebnisse werden nicht in Form singulärer Einzelpublikationen transportiert, sondern es wird das gesamte Potenzial multimedialer Medien genutzt. Grammis hebt dadurch Beschränkungen der bisherigen Realisierungsformen von Open Access auf und adressiert variable – insbesondere mobile – Nutzungssituationen. Grammis versammelt multimedial aufbereitetes grammatisches Wissen auf über 3000 Webseiten, ergänzt um linguistisch motivierte Datenbanken, Wörterbücher und Bibliografien. Mit mehr als 100.000 Seitenaufrufen pro Monat zählt es zu den meistgenutzten Online-Ressourcen des IDS.
Am Beispiel der polyfunktionalen Mehrworteinheit <was weiß ich> wird das Zusammenspiel von pragmatischer und phonetischer Ausdifferenzierung in Pragmatikalisierungsprozessen untersucht. Hierzu werden spontan-sprachliche Belege aus dem Korpus „Deutsch heute“ analysiert. Die beobachtete phonetische Variationsbreite deutet auf eine komplexe Beziehung zu den jeweiligen pragmatischen Funktionen hin.
This paper investigates the conditions that govern the choice between the German neuter singular relative pronouns das ‘that’ and was ‘what’. We show that das requires a lexical head noun, while in all other cases was is usually the preferred option; therefore, the distribution of das and was is most successfully captured by an approach that does not treat was as an exception but analyzes it as the elsewhere case that applies when the relativizer fails to pick up a lexical gender feature from the head noun. We furthermore show how the non-uniform behavior of different types of nominalized adjectives (positives allow both options, while superlatives trigger was) can be attributed to semantic differences rooted in syntactic structure. In particular, we argue that superlatives select was due to the presence of a silent counterpart of the quantifier alles ‘all’ that is part of the superlative structure.
This paper discusses a specific subclass of English it-clefts posited in the theoretical literature, so-called predicational clefts. The main point of the paper is to show that there is no need to postulate such a separate class. Predicational clefts look special because of the narrow focus on the adjective within an indefinite pivot, but their special properties can all be derived from this narrow focus in a focus analysis in which it-clefts express contrasting focus. Contrasting focus means that besides the assertion of the proposition expressed in the cleft, there is one contrasting proposition which is excluded. The focus on the adjective in apparent predicational clefts gives rise to a narrow set of relevant alternatives, all of which differ only in the adjectival property within the pivot. The analysis developed here can account for many of the observations for apparent predicational clefts. Other properties are shown to be not conclusive. Thus, predicational clefts need not be considered a special subclass beyond their special focus characteristics.
This paper argues that there is a correlation between functional and purely grammatical patterning in language, yet the nature of this correlation has to be explored. This claim is based on the results of a corpus-driven study of the Slavic aspect, drawing on the socalled Distributional Hypothesis. According to the East-West Theory of the Slavic aspect, there is a broad east-west isogloss dividing the Slavic languages into an eastern group and a western group. There are also two transitional zones in the north and south, which share some properties with each group (Dickey 2000; Barentsen 1998, 2008). The East-West Theory uses concepts of cognitive grammar such as totality and temporal definiteness, and is based on various parameters of aspectual usage in discourse, including contexts such as habituals, general factuals, historical (narrative) present, performatives, sequenced events in the past etc. The purpose of the above-mentioned study is to challenge the semantic approach to the Slavic aspect by comparing the perfective and imperfective verbal aspect on the basis of purely grammatical co-occurrence patterns (see also Janda & Lyashevskaya 2011). The study focused on three Slavic languages: Russian, which, following the East-West Theory, belongs to the eastern group, Czech, which belongs to the western group, and Polish, which is considered as transitional in its aspectual patterning.
We present a testsuite for POS tagging German web data. Our testsuite provides the original raw text as well as the gold tokenisations and is annotated for parts-of-speech. The testsuite includes a new dataset for German tweets, with a current size of 3,940 tokens. To increase the size of the data, we harmonised the annotations in already existing web corpora, based on the Stuttgart-Tübingen Tag Set. The current version of the corpus has an overall size of 48,344 tokens of web data, around half of it from Twitter. We also present experiments, showing how different experimental setups (training set size, additional out-of-domain training data, self-training) influence the accuracy of the taggers. All resources and models will be made publicly available to the research community.
In a number of languages, agreement in specificational copular sentences can or must be with the second of the two nominals, even when it is the first that occupies the canonical subject position. Béjar & Kahnemuyipour (2017) show that Persian and Eastern Armenian are two such languages. They then argue that ‘NP2 agreement’ occurs because the nominal in subject position (NP1) is not accessible to an external probe. It follows that actual agreement with NP1 should never be possible: the alternative to NP2 agreement should be ‘default’ agreement. We show that this prediction is false. In addition to showing that English has NP1, not default, agreement, we present new data from Icelandic, a language with rich agreement morphology, including cases that involve ‘plurale tantum’ nominals as NP1. These allow us to control for any confound from the fact that typically in a specificational sentence with two nominals differing in number, it is NP2 that is plural. We show that even in this case, the alternative to agreement with NP2 is agreement with NP1, not a default. Hence, we conclude that whatever the correct analysis of specificational sentences turns out to be, it must not predict obligatory failure of NP1 agreement.