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With the advent of mobile devices, mediatized political discourse became more dynamic. I assume that the microblog Twitter can be considered as a medium for spatial coordination during protests. Therefore, the case of neo-Nazi demonstrations and counter-protests in the city of Dresden that occurred in February 2012 is analysed. Data consists of microposts that occurred during the event. Quantitative analysis of hashtag and retweet frequencies was performed as well as qualitative speech act pattern analysis and a tempo-spatial discourse analysis on selected subsets of microposts. Results show that a common linguistic practice is verbal georeferencing and by that constructing space. Empirical analysis indicates a strong relation between communicational online space and physical offline place: Protest participants permanently reconfigure spatial context discursively and thus the contested protest area becomes a temporarily meaningful place.
This paper argues that there is a correlation between functional and purely grammatical patterning in language, yet the nature of this correlation has to be explored. This claim is based on the results of a corpus-driven study of the Slavic aspect, drawing on the socalled Distributional Hypothesis. According to the East-West Theory of the Slavic aspect, there is a broad east-west isogloss dividing the Slavic languages into an eastern group and a western group. There are also two transitional zones in the north and south, which share some properties with each group (Dickey 2000; Barentsen 1998, 2008). The East-West Theory uses concepts of cognitive grammar such as totality and temporal definiteness, and is based on various parameters of aspectual usage in discourse, including contexts such as habituals, general factuals, historical (narrative) present, performatives, sequenced events in the past etc. The purpose of the above-mentioned study is to challenge the semantic approach to the Slavic aspect by comparing the perfective and imperfective verbal aspect on the basis of purely grammatical co-occurrence patterns (see also Janda & Lyashevskaya 2011). The study focused on three Slavic languages: Russian, which, following the East-West Theory, belongs to the eastern group, Czech, which belongs to the western group, and Polish, which is considered as transitional in its aspectual patterning.
We present a new resource for German causal language, with annotations in context for verbs, nouns and adpositions. Our dataset includes 4,390 annotated instances for more than 150 different triggers. The annotation scheme distinguishes three different types of causal events (CONSEQUENCE, MOTIVATION, PURPOSE). We also provide annotations for semantic roles, i.e. of the cause and effect for the causal event as well as the actor and affected party, if present. In the paper, we present inter-annotator agreement scores for our dataset and discuss problems for annotating causal language. Finally, we present experiments where we frame causal annotation as a sequence labelling problem and report baseline results for the prediciton of causal arguments and for predicting different types of causation.
In a number of languages, agreement in specificational copular sentences can or must be with the second of the two nominals, even when it is the first that occupies the canonical subject position. Béjar & Kahnemuyipour (2017) show that Persian and Eastern Armenian are two such languages. They then argue that ‘NP2 agreement’ occurs because the nominal in subject position (NP1) is not accessible to an external probe. It follows that actual agreement with NP1 should never be possible: the alternative to NP2 agreement should be ‘default’ agreement. We show that this prediction is false. In addition to showing that English has NP1, not default, agreement, we present new data from Icelandic, a language with rich agreement morphology, including cases that involve ‘plurale tantum’ nominals as NP1. These allow us to control for any confound from the fact that typically in a specificational sentence with two nominals differing in number, it is NP2 that is plural. We show that even in this case, the alternative to agreement with NP2 is agreement with NP1, not a default. Hence, we conclude that whatever the correct analysis of specificational sentences turns out to be, it must not predict obligatory failure of NP1 agreement.