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How (and when) do speakers generalise from memorised exemplars of a construction to a productive schema? The present paper presents a novel take on this issue by offering a corpus-based approach to semantic extension processes. Focusing on clusters of German ADJ N expressions involving the heavily polysemous adjective tief ‚deep’, it is shown that type frequency (a commonly used measure of productivity) needs to be relativised to distinct semantic classes within the overall usage spectrum of a given construction in order to predict the occurrence of novel types within a particular region of this spectrum. Some methodological and theoretical implications for usage-based linguistic model building are considered.
Research on syntactic ambiguity resolution in language comprehension has shown that subjects' processing decisions are influenced by a variety of heterogeneous factors such as e.g., syntactic complexity, semantic fit and the discourse frequency of the competing structures. The present paper investigates a further potentially relevant factor in such processes: effects of syntagmatic lexical chunking (or matching to a complex memorized prefab) whose occurrence would be predicted from usage-based assumptions about linguistic categorisation. Focusing on the widely studied so-called DO/SC-ambiguity in which a post-verbal NP is syntactically ambiguous between a direct object and the subject of an embedded clause, potentially biasing collocational chunks of the relevant type are identified in a number of corpus-linguistic pretests and then investigated in a self-paced reading experiment. The results show a significant increase in processing difficulty from a collocationally neutral over a lexically biasing to a strongly biasing condition. This suggests that syntagmatically complex and partially schematic templates of the kind envisioned in usage-based Construction Grammar may impinge on speakers' online processing decisions during sentence comprehension.