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In this paper, the problem will be discussed whether the pragmatic category 'exclamative' has a grammatical pendant and how this pragmatic category is derived from the corresponding semantic structure if there doesn't exist a semantic 'exclamative' category. Special accentual properties and the possible dislocation of the wh-phrase 'wie' from the adjective phrase as in ‘wie ist er [e groß]’ seem to be the only grammatical evidences indicating the exclamative type. The movement of 'wie' without violating the Chomskean Empty Category Principle is assumed to be possible because of the existence of a syntactic sentence feature [+ EX], which cancels the barrierhood of the wie-containing adjective phrase. Both the feature [+ EX] and the barrierhood of the wie-containing adjective phrases in wh-questions and embedded wh-clauses are motivated by a pragmatic principle.
In German there are about twenty-five elements (like gemäß, nahe, voll) that seem to be used as a preposition along with their use as an adjective. In former approaches the preposition is interpreted as the product of grammaticalizing (and/or reanalyzing) the adjective. It is argued that the two criteria these approaches rely on, namely change of linear position and change of case government, are insufficient. In this paper, seven criteria for distinguishing adjectives form prepositions in German are put forward. What is most important is that these criteria have to be evaluated on the token level as well as on the level of type and word class/syntactic category. It can be shown that the individual ‘adjective-prepositions' as types possess a specific mixture of adjective-like and preposition-like features. On the token level, occurring as part of a postnominal restrictive attribute is indicative for preposition-like status in German. The comparison of German with English and Italian adjective-prepositions (like near, far, due and vicino, lontano) reveals a lot of differences, which counts as evidence for the language-specific nature of word classes. Nevertheless, Lehmanns functional-typological approach uncovers a fundamental functional similarity between complement governing adjectives and prepositions: the primary function of the phrases, i.e., adjective/preposition + complement, is to modify a nominal or a verbal concept, respectively. This insight explains why adjective-prepositions can be found cross-linguistically. The question whether we should propose one type or two types for gemäß and its cognates is of minor importance only.
This paper discusses the categorial status of nominalized adjectives, which share formal properties with both adjectives and nouns, in present-day German. Based on a corpus study conducted in the Deutsches Referenzkorpus (DeReKo), it is shown that different types of deadjectival nouns do not behave uniformly with respect to pronoun choice in attributive relative clauses. While nominalized positives (in the neuter gender) preferably combine with the regular relative pronoun das ‘that’, superlatives strongly favor relativization by means of the corresponding wh-form was ‘what’. The contrasts are taken to reflect structural differences in the internal make-up of the respective categories that give rise to different degrees of ‘nouniness’.
Der Aufsatz knüpft an die Diskussion zur Verwendung von formalen grammatischen Kategorien im Sprachvergleich an (vgl. insbesondere Haspelmath 2007, 2010a, b und Newmeyer 2007, 2010). Es wird dabei nicht danach gefragt, ob sprachübergreifende grammatische Kategorien (oder genauer gesagt Kategorienausprägungen) existieren oder nicht bzw. ob einzelsprachliche grammatische Kategorien im Sprachvergleich sinnvoll einsetzbar sind, sondern wie ähnlich bzw. unterschiedlich einzelsprachliche Kategorien bzw. Kategorisierungen sind. Das Ziel ist damit, eine Methode zur Messung des Äquivalenzgrades von grammatischen Kategorien in verschiedenen Sprachen zu präsentieren; dies wird am Beispiel des IMPERATIVS im Deutschen, Englischen, Polnischen und Tschechischen illustriert.