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Theater rehearsals are (usually) confronted with the problem of having to transform a written text into an audio-visual, situated and temporal performance. Our contribution focuses on the emergence and stabilization of a gestural form as a solution for embodying a certain aesthetic concept which is derived from the script. This process involves instructions and negotiations, making the process of stabilization publicly and thus intersubjectively accessible. As scenes are repeatedly rehearsed, rehearsals are perspicuous settings for tracking interactional histories. Based on videotaped professional theatre interactions in Germany, we focus on consecutive instances of rehearsing the same scene and trace the interactional history of a particular gesture. This gesture is used by the director to instruct the actors to play a particular aspect of a scene adopting a certain aesthetic concept. Stabilization requires the emergence of shared knowledge. We will show the practices by which shared knowledge is established over time during the rehearsal process and, in turn, how the accumulation of knowledge contributes to a change in the interactional practices themselves. Specifically, we show how a gesture emerges in the process of developing and embodying an aesthetic concept, and how this gesture eventually becomes a sign that refers to and evokes accumulated knowledge. At the same time, we show how this accumulated knowledge changes the instructional activities in the rehearsal process. Our study contributes to the overall understanding of knowledge accumulation in interaction in general and in theater rehearsals in particular. At the same time, it is devoted to the central importance of gestures in theater, which are both a means and a product of theatrical staging.
Smooth turn-taking in conversation depends in part on speakers being able to communicate their intention to hold or cede the floor. Both prosodic and gestural cues have been shown to be used in this context. We investigate the interplay of pitch movements and hand gestures at locations at which speaker change becomes relevant, comparing their use in German and Swedish. We find that there are some shared functions of prosody and gesture with regard to turn-taking in the two languages, but that these shared functions appear to be mediated by the different phonological demands on pitch in the two languages.
Understanding the design of talk-in-interaction is important in many domains, including speech technology. Although phonetic, linguistic and gestural correlates have been identified for some of the social actions that conversational participants accomplish, it is only recently that researchers have begun to take account of the immediately prior interactional context as an important factor influencing the design of a speaker’s turn. The present study explores the influence of context by focussing on characteristics of short turns produced by one speaker between turns from another speaker. The hypothesis is that the speaker designs her inserted turn as a match to the prior turn when wishing to align with the previous speaker’s agenda. By contrast, non-matching would display that the speaker is non-aligning, preferring instead to initiate a new action for example. Data are taken from the AMI corpus, focussing on the spontaneous talk of first-language English participants. Using sequential analysis, such short turns are classified as either aligning or non-aligning in accordance with definitions in the Conversation Analysis literature. The degree of prosodic similarity between the inserted turn and the prior speaker’s turn is measured using novel acoustic techniques. The results show that aligning turns are significantly more similar to the immediately preceding turn, in terms of pitch contour, than non-aligning turns. In contrast to the prosodic-acoustic analysis, the results of the gestural analysis indicate that aligning and non-aligning are differentiated by the use of distinct gestures, rather than by the matching (or non-matching) of gestures across the adjacent turns. These results support the view that choice of pitch contour is managed locally, rather than by reference to an intonational lexicon. However, this is not the case for speakers’ use of gesture. The implications of these findings for a model of talk-in-interaction are considered, along with potential applications.