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This thesis investigates temporal and aspectual reference in the typologically unrelated African languages Hausa (Chadic, Afro–Asiatic) and Medumba (Grassfields Bantu).
It argues that Hausa is a genuinely tenseless language and compares the interpretation of temporally unmarked sentences in Hausa to that of morphologically tenseless sentences in Medumba, where tense marking is optional and graded.
The empirical behavior of the optional temporal morphemes in Medumba motivates an analysis as existential quantifiers over times and thus provides new evidence suggesting that languages vary in whether their (past) tense is pronominal or quantificational (see also Sharvit 2014).
The thesis proposes for both Hausa and Medumba that the alleged future tense marker is a modal element that obligatorily combines with a prospective future shifter (which is covert in Medumba). Cross-linguistic variation in whether or not a future marker is compatible with non-future interpretation is proposed to be predictable from the aspectual architecture of the given language.
Der Beitrag ist ein Plädoyer fur die Verwendung von Barsalou-Frames in einem neuen formalen Ansatz in der Semantik. Als Anwendungen werden illustriert: die Framerepräsentation der lexikalischen Bedeutung von Nomen, Verben und Adjektiven; die Modifikation von Nomen durch Adjektive; die Modellierung der Ableitung deverbaler Nomen und der Bedeutung von N-N-Komposita; das Zusammenspiel von syntaktischer und semantischer Komposition in Frames, die beide Strukturebenen integrieren; die Einbettung eines Satzes in einen Äußerungskontext in der Bezugswelt. Das besondere Potenzial des Frameansatzes ist darin begründet, dass er modellieren kann, wie Information zusammengeführt wird - sowohl innerhalb einer Beschreibungsebene als auch ebenenubergreifend.
German subjectively veridical sicher sein ‘be certain’ can embed ob-clauses in negative contexts, while subjectively veridical glauben ‘believe’ and nonveridical möglich sein ‘be possible’ cannot. The Logical Form of F isn’t certain if M is in Rome is regarded as the negated disjunction of two sentences ¬(cf σ ∨ cf ¬σ) or ¬cf σ ∧ ¬cf ¬σ. Be certain can have this LF because ¬cf σ and ¬cf ¬σ are compatible and nonveridical. Believe excludes this LF because ¬bf σ and ¬bf ¬σ are incompatible in a question-under-discussion context. It follows from this incompatibility and from the incompatibility of bf σ and bf ¬σ that bf ¬σ and ¬bf σ are equivalent. Therefore believe cannot be nonveridical. Be possible doesn’t allow the LF either. Similar to believe, ¬pf σ and ¬pf ¬σ are incompatible. But unlike believe, pf σ and pf ¬σ are compatible.
This paper discusses the semi-formal language of mathematics and presents the Naproche CNL, a controlled natural language for mathematical authoring. Proof Representation Structures, an adaptation of Discourse Representation Structures, are used to represent the semantics of texts written in the Naproche CNL. We discuss how the Naproche CNL can be used in formal mathematics, and present our prototypical Naproche system, a computer program for parsing texts in the Naproche CNL and checking the proofs in them for logical correctness.
From Proof Texts to Logic. Discourse Representation Structures for Proof Texts in Mathematics
(2009)
We present an extension to Discourse Representation Theory that can be used to analyze mathematical texts written in the commonly used semi-formal language of mathematics (or at least a subset of it). Moreover, we describe an algorithm that can be used to check the resulting Proof Representation Structures for their logical validity and adequacy as a proof.
Der folgende Beitrag stellt einen Ausschnitt einer Grammatik für ein Fragment des Deutschen vor.
Zunächst wird eine formale λ-kategoriale Sprache, λL, eingeführt, zusammen mit einem geeigneten Modell zu ihrer Interpretation. Dann wird eine Obersetzungsfunktion ü angegeben, die Ausdrücke von λL in Ausdrücke von Kategorialdeutsch, Kat D, überführt, wobei sich die Syntax komplexer Ausdrücke in Kat D aus der Syntax der entsprechenden λL Ausdrücke und der Übersetzungsfunktion ergibt, die Semantik aus der der entsprechenden λL-Ausdrücke. Kat D ist keine syntaktisch disambiguierte Sprache, so daß es Kat D-Ausdrücke mit mehreren Ableitungen gibt.
Die unorthodoxen Züge der vorgeschlagenen Grammatik sind einerseits, daß sie reichlichen Gebrauch von der Möglichkeit macht, für einfache Kat D-Ausdrücke komplexe λL-Entsprechungen zu haben, andererseits, daß Verben hier als λ-Abstrakte behandelt werden.
Im Rahmen dieses Modells wird dann zur Illustration ein Mini-Fragment des Deutschen formuliert. Schließlich werden Vorschläge für die semantisch-syntaktische Behandlung der Kopula-Verben sein und werden gemacht.
We provide a unified account of semantic effects observable in attested examples of the German applicative (‘be-’) construction, e.g. Rollstuhlfahrer Poul Sehachsen aus Kopenhagen will den 1997 erschienenen Wegweiser Handiguide Europa fortführen und zusammen mit Movado Berlin berollen (‘Wheelchair user Poul Schacksen from Copenhagen wants to continue the guide ‘Handiguide Europe’, which came out in 1997, and roll Berlin together with Movado.’). We argue that these effects do not come from lexico-semantic operations on ‘input’ verbs, but are instead the products of a reconciliation procedure in which the meaning of the verb is integrated into the event-structure schema denoted by the applicative construction. We analyze the applicative pattern as an argument-structure construction, in terms of Goldberg (1995). We contrast this approach with that of Brinkmann (1997), in which properties associated with the applicative pattern (e.g. omissibility of the theme argument, holistic interpretation of the goal argument, and planar construal of the location argument) are attributed to general semantico-pragmatic principles. We undermine the generality of the principles as stated, and assert that these properties are instead construction-particular. We further argue that the constructional account provides an elegant model of the valence-creation and valence-augmentation functions of the prefix. We describe the constructional semantics as prototype-based: diverse implications of fee-predications, including iteration, transfer, affectedness, intensity and saturation, derive via regular patterns of semantic extension from the topological concept of coverage.
This thesis investigates temporal and aspectual reference in the typologically unrelated African languages Hausa (Chadic, Afro–Asiatic) and Medumba (Grassfields Bantu). It argues that Hausa is a genuinely tenseless language and compares the interpretation of temporally unmarked sentences in Hausa to that of morphologically tenseless sentences in Medumba, where tense marking is optional and graded. The empirical behavior of the optional temporal morphemes in Medumba motivates an analysis as existential quantifiers over times and thus provides new evidence suggesting that languages vary in whether their (past) tense is pronominal or quantificational (see also Sharvit 2014). The thesis proposes for both Hausa and Medumba that the alleged future tense marker is a modal element that obligatorily combines with a prospective future shifter (which is covert in Medumba). Cross-linguistic variation in whether or not a future marker is compatible with non-future interpretation is proposed to be predictable from the aspectual architecture of the given language.