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Die Analyse prosodisch-phonetischer Ressourcen stand neben morpho-syntaktischen, lexiko-semantischen und diskurspragmatischen von Anfang an im Mittelpunkt interaktional-linguistischer Forschung. In den letzten Jahren sind darüber hinaus visuell wahrnehmbare Phänomene zunehmend Gegenstand interaktional-linguistischer Beschreibungen von Kommunikationssituationen geworden.
Der vorliegende Sammelband enthält neun Untersuchungen, die auf Korpora von Alltagsgesprächen oder institutionellen Interaktionssituationen (Unterricht und Parlamentsdebatten) in unterschiedlichen Sprachen (Deutsch, Englisch, Mandarin) beruhen. Die Beiträge zeigen, welchen Anteil unterschiedliche semiotische Ressourcen – interpretiert in ihrer holistischen Gestalt – an der Organisation sozialer Interaktionen haben. Der Band trägt somit dazu bei, die Rolle multimodaler Ressourcenbündel in ihrer Situiertheit, Prozesshaftigkeit und Kontextsensitivität für die Durchführung kommunikativer Aufgaben besser zu verstehen.
It is a ubiquitous phenomenon of everyday interaction that participants confront their co-participants for behaviour that they assess as undesirable or in some other way untoward. In a set of video data of informal interaction from the PECII corpus (Parallel European Corpus of Informal Interaction), cases of such sanctions have been collected in English, German, Italian and Polish data. This study presents work in progress and focuses on interrogatively formatted sanctions, in particular on non-polar interrogatives. It has already been shown that interrogatives can do much more than ask questions (Huddleston 1994). They can also function as directives (Lindström et al. 2017) or, more specifically, as requests (Curl/Drew 2008), as invitations (Margutti/Galatolo 2018) or reproaches (Klattenberg 2021), among others. What makes them interesting for cross-linguistic comparison is that the four languages that are considered provide different morphological and (morpho-)syntactical ressources for the realization of interrogative phrases. For example, German provides the option of building in the modal particle denn that reveals a previous lack of clarity and obliges the co-participant(s) to deliver the missing information (Deppermann 2009). Of course, the other three languages have modal particles, too (e.g. allora in Italian or though in English), but they do not seem to convey the same semantic and interactional qualities as denn. From an interactional point of view, one could think that interrogatives are a typical and effective way of solliciting accounts, since formally they open up a conditionally relevant space for an answer or a
reaction. But as the data shows, this does not guarantee that they are actually responded to. Another relevant aspect in the context of sanctions is that the interrogative format seems to carry a certain ‚openness‘ that might be seen as a mitigating effect and thus provides an interesting point of comparison with other mitigating devices. This study uses the methods of conversation analysis and interactional linguistics. It is based on a collection of 148 interrogative sanctions (out of which 84 are non-polar interrogatives) covering the four languages. I draw on coded data from roughly 1000 cases to get a first overall idea of how the interrogative format might differ from other formats, and how it might interrelate with specific features – for example, if subsequently an account is delivered. Going more into depth, the interrogative sanctions will then be analyzed with respect to their formal design (e.g. polar questions vs. content questions vs. tag questions, Rossano 2010; Hayano 2013) and to their pragmatic implications. I also analyze reactions to such sanctions – both formally (cf. Enfield et al. 2019, 279) and, again, from an interactional perspective (e.g. acceptance/compliance vs. challenging/defiance; Kent 2012; Cekaite 2020). A more detailed zooming in on the sequential unfolding of some particularly interesting
instances of sanctioning interrogatives will make the picture complete.
In G, E, I, and H there are constructions with accusative NPs being the external argument of an infinitival, (1) to (4). In P these accusative NPs can only co-occur with an adjectival participle, (5), a construction also occurring in E, (6). The talk compares the syntactic and semantic structure of these constructions focussing on the syntactic category of the nonfinite clause, the status of the accusative NP, the status of the infinitive, restructuring effects, and embedding predicates (including aspect).
i. As to G, E, I, and H, the infinitival clause is regarded as a TP, i.e., a small clause. Its accusative NP and infinitival predicate form a unit – [4], [12], [8]. The AcI denotes, according to [4], an eventuality, which prevents it from being negated. Its subject is case marked by the matrix predicate, either by ECM or subject-to-object raising – [9] and [10]. AcI-constructions can show clause union effects, (7). H additionally allows Dative subjects in infinitive clauses, the latter only being licensed by impersonal predicates and co-occurring with an agreeing infinitive, (8a), – [3]. In case there is no agreeing infinitive, the Dative NP is the experiencer of the matrix clause, (8b). As for Italian, it allows Nominative subject NPs in the infinitive clause, (9a, b).
ii. As to P, small clause constructions differ structurally from E, G, I and H ones – [6], [7]. P small clauses are realizable by copula constructions with verbal być ‘be’ pronominal to ‘it’, (10), or “dual” copula elements, (cooccurrence of a pronominal and a verbal element, [1]), varying with respect to selectional restrictions (part of speech or case within complement phrases, extraction possibilities, [1]). The P counterpart to the AcI-constructions is the secondary predication over an accusative object via an adjectival present participle, (5), (11) and (12). The adjectival participle construction is systematically paraphrasable via clauses introduced by jak ‘how’ (11’) and (12’). In Polish, adjectival phrases like recytującego wiersz ‘reciting’, (11), and wracającego z podróży ‘returning’, (12), clearly function as adjuncts of the accusative object go ‘him’. In our talk, we will compare this P view to languages with typical AcI-constructions, where the AcI-clause is standardly analyzed as a complement of a matrix verb.
The issue: We discuss (declarative) prepositional object clauses (PO-clauses) in the West Germanic languages Dutch (NL), German (DE), and English (EN). In Dutch and German, PO-clauses occur with a prepositional proform (=PPF, Dutch: ervan, erover, etc.; German: drauf/darauf, drüber/darüber, etc.). This proform is optional with some verbs (1). In English, by contrast, P embeds a clausal complement in the case of gerunds or indirect questions (2), however, P is obligatorily absent when the embedded CP is a that-clause in its base positionv(3a). However, when the that-clause is passivized or topicalized, the stranded P is obligatory (3b). Given this scenario, we will address the following questions: i) Are there structural differences between PO-clauses with a P/PPF and those in which the P/PPF is optionally or obligatorily omitted? ii) In particular, do PO-clauses without P/PPF structurally coincide with direct object (=DO) clauses? iii) To what extent are case and nominal properties of clauses relevant? We use wh-extraction as a relevant test for such differences.
Previous research: Based on pronominalization and topicalization data in German and Dutch, PO-clauses are different from DO-clauses independent of the presence of the PPF (see, e.g., Breindl 1989; Zifonun/Hoffmann/Strecker 1997; Berman 2003; Broekhuis/Corver 2015 and references therein) (4,5). English pronominalization and topicalization data (3b) appear to point in the same direction (Fischer 1997; Berman 2003; Delicado Cantero 2013). However, the obligatory absence of P before that-clauses in base position indicates a convergence with DO-clauses.
Experimental evidence: To provide further evidence to these questions we tested PO-clauses in all three languages for long wh-extraction, which is usually possible for DO-clauses in English and Dutch, and in German for southern regional varieties. For German and Dutch we conducted rating studies using the thermometer method (Featherston 2008). Each study contained two sets of sentences: the first set tested long wh-extraction with regular DO-clauses (6). The second set tested wh-extraction from PO-clauses with and without PPFs (7), respectively. The results show no significant difference in extraction with PO-clauses whether or not the PPF was present even for those speakers who otherwise accept long-distance extraction in German. This supports a uniform analysis of PO-clauses with and without the PPF in contrast to DO-clauses. For English we tested extraction with verbs that select for PP-objects in two configurations: V+that-clause and V+P-gerund (8) in comparison to sentences without extraction. Participants rated sentences on a scale of 1 (unnatural) to 7 (natural). We included the gerund for English as this is a regular alternative for such objects. The results show that extraction is licit in both configurations. This suggests that English PO-clauses are different from German and Dutch PO-clauses: They rather behave as DO-clauses allowing for extraction. Note though, that the availability of extraction from P+gerund also shows that PPs are not islands for extraction in English. Overall, this shows that there is a split between English vs. German/Dutch PO-clauses when the P/PPF is absent. While these clauses behave like PO-clauses in the latter languages, extraction does not show a difference between DO- and PO-clauses in English. We will discuss the results in relation to the questions i)–iii) above.
This study investigates other-initiated repair and its embodied dimension in casual English as lingua franca (ELF) conversations, thereby contributing to the further understanding of multimodal repair practices in social interaction. Using multimodal conversation analysis, we focus on two types of restricted other-initiation of repair (OIR): partial repeats preceded or followed by the question word what (i.e., what X?/X what?) and copular interrogative clauses (i.e., what is X). Partial repeats with what produced with rising final intonation are consistently accompanied by a head poke and treated as relating to troubles in hearing, with the repair usually consisting of a repeat. In contrast to these partial repeats, copular interrogative clauses are produced with downward final intonation and accompanied by face-related embodied conduct. The what is X OIRs primarily target code-switched lexical items, the understanding of which is critical for maintaining the repair initiator’s involvement in the ongoing sequence. This study also contributes some general reflections on the possible complexity of OIR and repair practices from a multimodal perspective.
In many European languages, propositional arguments (PAs) can be realized as different types of structures. Cross-linguistically, complex structures with PAs show a systematic correlation between the strength of the semantic bond and the syntactic union (cf. Givón 2001; Wurmbrand/Lohninger 2023). Also, different languages show similarities with respect to the (lexical) licensing of different PAs (cf. Noonan 1985; Givón 2001; Cristofaro 2003 on different predicate types). However, on a more fine-grained level, a variation across languages can be observed both with respect to the syntactic-semantic properties of PAs as well as to their licensing and usage. This presentation takes a multi-contrastive view of different types of PAs as syntactic subjects and objects by looking at five European languages: EN, DE, IT, PL and HU. Our goal is to identify the parameters of variation in the clausal domain with PAs and by this to contribute to a better understanding of the individual language systems on the one hand and the nature of the linguistic variation in the clausal domain on the other hand. Phenomena and Methodology: We investigate the following types of PAs: direct object (DO) clauses (1), prepositional object (PO) clauses (2), subject clauses (3), and nominalizations (4, 5). Additionally, we discuss clause union phenomena (6, 7). The analyzed parameters include among others finiteness, linear position of the PA, (non) presence of a correlative element, (non) presence of a complementizer, lexical-semantic class of the embedding verb. The phenomena are analyzed based on corpus data (using mono- and multilingual corpora), experimental data (acceptability judgement surveys) or introspective data.
Our current era of globalization is characterized above all by increased mobility, namely by the increasing mobility of people and the development of new communication technologies, including the mobility of linguistic signs and resources. This process raises new theoretical and methodological questions in linguistics, which results in the development of a new sociolinguistics of globalization (Blommaert 2010) in recent years. One of the most obvious ways to trace this new and dynamic development is to analyze individual language repertoires, especially those of migrants. In this essay, I examine aspects of the communicative repertoire of a refugee who fled to Germany in 2015 to escape the civil war in Syria. I draw on two interviews I conducted with him (in the following I refer to him by the pseudonym „Baran“). The first interview with Baran was recorded in 2016, a few months after his arrival in Germany. The second interview is from 2023, seven years later. In both recordings, German was the dominant language of interaction. I will analyze and show the characteristics of his German at the beginning of his immigration, how he resorts to practices of language mixing between German, Turkish and English (which has recently also been referred to as translanguaging) and how his German has developed over the course of the past seven years.
The present paper examines the rise and fall of Modern High German loanwords in English from 1600 until 2000, principally making use of the record of borrowing documented by the Oxford English Dictionary (OED) in its Third Edition (online version, in revision 2000-). Groups of loanwords are analysed by century, with reference to the changing social and cultural landscape characterising relationships between the relevant nations over this period. This is not a simple picture: each language grows over the period in different ways, and the speakers of English look to German at different times for different types of borrowing, as the political and intellectual balance alters.
Entlehnungen aus dem Englischen sind weder erst ein Phänomen der Nachkriegsjahre noch die Folge der Globalisierung, in der das Englische als die neue lingua franca nur eines der Ergebnisse dieses Prozesses, zugleich aber sein Vehikel darstellt. In den Ergebnissen der Zeitungs- und Repräsentativerhebungen zu Einstellungen der Deutschen zu ihrer Sprache spiegelt sich der in der Tat seit über 60 Jahren fortschreitende deutsch-englische Sprachkontakt, den die deutsche Sprachgemeinschaft erfährt. Kommunikation zwischen Trägern verschiedener Sprachen begünstigt Übernahmen aus nicht nur genetisch verwandten Sprachen. So finden sich unter dem entlehnten Sprachgut auch Formen, die in der Geber- und Nehmersprache auf eine gemeinsame Wurzel zurück gehen. In dieser Arbeit werden Überlegungen zu fair und fegen in ihrem historische, genetischen und morphologischen Kontext gemacht und auf die Begriffe des Lehnworts und Erbes hin untersucht.
Meine folgenden Überlegungen gehen weit über rein „linguistische Theorien und Methoden" hinaus. Sie beziehen sich auch weniger als seine auf innersprachliche Fragen und mehr auf sprachensoziologische und -politische. Allerdings entziehen sie sich auch damit nicht Poppers pauschalem Urteil, die mit „human society and human history" befassten Wissenschaften seien generell unfähig zu Prognosen - im Gegensatz zu manchen (wenn auch nicht allen) Naturwissenschaften. Abgesehen davon räume ich für das Folgende jedoch gerne Abstriche ein vom Grad der von Popper für Prognosen offenbar vorausgesetzten Zuverlässigkeit und Exaktheit. Sie entsprechen auch verbreiteten Auffassungen, dass sich die Weiterentwicklung der Technik zuverlässiger Voraussagen lässt als die der menschlichen Sozialbeziehungen, angesichts unkalkulierbarer „Anarchie und Ignoranz, die das Gefüge unserer Gesellschaft zerstören könnten" (Kaku 2016, S. 33). Bei einer solchen Abschwächung der Ansprüche im Sinne derartiger Vorbehalte erscheint es mir aber dennoch treffender, die folgenden Überlegungen, soweit sie zukunftsgerichtet sind, eher den Prognosen zuzuordnen als den bloßen Prophezeiungen, denen man ja dann - bei ihrer typischen Stütze durch „göttliche Offenbarung" - jegliche theoretische oder faktische, also wissenschaftliche Grundlage absprechen darf. Freilich verliert mit der genannten Abschwächung die Opposition zwischen den Begriffen 'Prognose' und 'Prophezeiung' ihre strenge Disjunktheit und wird in Richtung eines abgestuften oder kontinuierlichen Übergangs aufgelockert. Jedoch widerspricht dies keineswegs gängigem wissenschaftlichen Procedere. Damit nun aber genug an allgemeinen methodischen Vorüberlegungen! Im Übrigen geht es mir im Folgenden weniger um die Auseinandersetzung mit bisherigen Publikationen zum Thema, auch nicht denen des mit diesem Band Geehrten, die - bei einem nicht zu engen Verständnis - in großer Zahl vorliegen, als um die Skizzierung meiner eigenen Einschätzungen.