Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Part of a Book (176) (remove)
Has Fulltext
- yes (176)
Keywords
- Syntax (176) (remove)
Publicationstate
- Veröffentlichungsversion (46)
- Zweitveröffentlichung (36)
- Postprint (8)
Reviewstate
- (Verlags)-Lektorat (80)
- Peer-Review (7)
- Verlags-Lektorat (1)
Publisher
- de Gruyter (50)
- Schwann (32)
- Narr Francke Attempto (9)
- Niemeyer (9)
- Narr (8)
- De Gruyter (6)
- Stauffenburg (6)
- Benjamins (5)
- Buske (4)
- Lang (4)
Komposition als Element nominaler Integration passt zum Sprachtyp des Deutschen. Diese Technik wird in verschiedenen Texttypen in unterschiedlicher Weise genutzt und funktional ausdifferenziert. Zweigliedrige Komposita prägen den alltäglichen Wortschatz. Die Erfahrung damit und ihre formale Offenheit bilden den Grund für spezifische Ausweitungen des Gebrauchs. Das wird gezeigt an der die Öffnung der Muster im literarischen Bereich, dann an der Interaktion von Kompositionstypen im Hinblick auf größtmögliche Explizitheit in juristischen Texten und letztlich an der Mischung von alltäglicher Klassifikation in gängigen Komposita und textfunktionaler Kondensierung in einem Sachtext.
Multi-faceted alignment. Toward automatic detection of textual similarity in Gospel-derived texts
(2015)
Ancient Germanic Bible-derived texts stand in as test material for producing computational means for automatically determining where textual contamination and linguistic interference have influenced the translation process. This paper reports on the results of research efforts that produced a text corpus; a method for decomposing the texts involved into smaller, more directly comparable thematically-related chunks; a database of relationships between these chunks; and a user-interface allowing for searches based on various referential criteria. Finally, the state of the product at the end of the project is discussed, namely as it was handed over to another researcher who has extended it to automatically find semantic and syntactic similarities within comparable chunks.
Tense, aspect, and mood are grammatical categories concerned with different notional facets of the event or situation conveyed by a given clause. They are prototypically expressed by the verbal system. Tense can be defined as a category that relates points or intervals in time to one another; in a most basic model, those include the time of the event or situation referred to and the speech time. The former may precede the latter (“past”), follow it (“future”), or be simultaneous with it (or at least overlap with it; “present”). Aspect is concerned with the internal temporal constituency of the event or situation, which may be viewed as a single whole (“perfective”) or with particular reference to its internal structure (“imperfective”), including its being ongoing at a certain point in time (“progressive”). Mood, in a narrow, morphological sense, refers to the inflectional realization of modality, with modality encompassing a large and varying set of sub-concepts such as possibility, necessity, probability, obligation, permission, ability, and volition. In the domain of tense, all Germanic languages make a distinction between non-past and past. In most languages, the opposition can be expressed inflectionally, namely, by the present and preterite (indicative). All modern languages also have a periphrastic perfect as well as periphrastic forms that can be used to refer to future events. Aspect is characteristically absent as a morphological category across the entire family, but most, if not all, modern languages have periphrastic forms for the expression of aspectual categories such as progressiveness. Regarding mood, Germanic languages are commonly described as distinguishing up to three such form paradigms, namely, indicative, imperative, and a third one referred to here as subjunctive. Morphologically distinct subjunctive forms are, however, more typical of earlier stages of Germanic than they are of most present-day languages.
Introduction
(2023)
We argue that properties with a nominal origin get transferred regularly in certain Gentian particle verb constructions to properties that are propositional insofar as they characterize the temporal structure of eventualities, understood to be described by propositional (= truth-assessable) representations of state changes. Accordingly, the oft-noted perfectivizing function of certain verbal particles like ein- in einfahren ('pull in', cf. Kühnhold 1972) is the effect of redressing a conflict at the syntax-semantics interface: On the one hand, constructions like in [die Grube]acc einfahren ('pull into the mine’) exhibit transitive syntax (Gehrke 2008), requiring that the syntactic arguments be mapped onto well-distinguished or DIFFERENT referents in the semantics (Kemmer 1993). On the other hand, in/ein codes a spatio-temporal inclusion relation between its relata, contradicting the requirement imposed by the transitive syntax. Following Brandt (2019), we submit that the interface executes a manoeuvre that delays the interpretation of part of the contradiction-inducing DIFFERENCE feature. It is not locally interpreted (semantically represented) in toto but in part passed on to the next syntactic-semantic computational cycle. Here, the passed-on meaning is interpreted in the locally customary terms, in the case at hand, as a temporal index where the post-state of the depicted eventuality does not hold.
Simultandolmetschen ist eine komplexe und kognitive Aktivität, bei der verschiedene Prozesse gleichzeitig ablaufen. Neben monolingualer Textverarbeitung braucht man auch dolmetschspezifische Strategien, die erworben werden müssen. Die Notstrategien werden erst dann angewendet, wenn die Kapazitätsgrenze des Dolmetschers erreicht ist.
Der Beitrag gliedert sich in drei Teile. In Abschnitt 2 führe ich zunächst den Begriff der Phraseoschablone ein und erläutere, inwiefern diese Untergruppe der Phraseologismen Eigenschaften von grammatischen Konstruktionen aufweist, deren konzise Erfassung eine notwendige Voraussetzung dafür ist, Beschränkungen bei der Produktivität und der semantischen Variabilität der Phraseologismen zu erklären. Daran anschließend werden in Abschnitt 3 Ergebnisse einer korpuslinguistischen Fallstudie nominaler Reduplikationen mit den Präpositionen an, in und über dargelegt und erörtert. Abschnitt 4 fasst schließlich die erzielten Ergebnisse im übergeordneten Zusammenhang zusammen und gibt einen Ausblick auf weitere Forschungsfragen.
The present article proposes a syntactic and semantic analysis of assertive clauses that comprises their truth-conditional aspects and their speech act potential in communication. What is commonly called “illocutionary force” is differentiated into three structurally and functionally distinct layers: a judgement phrase, representing subjective epistemic and evidential attitudes; a commitment phrase, representing the social commitment related to assertions; and an act phrase, representing the relation to the common ground of the conversation. The article provides several pieces of evidence for this structure: from the interpretation and syntactic position of various classes of epistemic, evidential, affirmative and speech act-related operators, from clausal complements embedded by different types of predicates, from embedded root clauses, and from anaphora referring to different clausal projections. The syntactic assumptions are phrased within X-bar theory, and the semantic interpretation makes use of dynamic update of common ground, differentiating between informative and performative updates. The object language is German, with particular reference to verb final and verb second structure.
The paper is concerned with the filling of the right edge of a German clause with different constituents: subconstituents of the clause, arguments and modifiers of the NP, appositions and right-dislocated elements. It is argued that these different ways of filling the right edge come about in quite different ways. Subconstituents of the clause are base generated at the right edge in syntax. Constituents of the NP and appositions get to the right edge postsyntactically, i.e., they are linearised there only in the phonological component. Finally, the appearance of right-dislocated constituents is the result of two well-established deletion processes operating on two adjacent clauses.
The different mechanisms allow us to understand differences these elements show regarding positioning inside the right edge, binding and intonation. An important empirical generalisation put forward in the IDS-grammar can be captured. The grammar's controversial assumption that the right edge comprises a part which is disintegrated in between two syntactically integrated parts can be shown to be superfluous.