Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Part of a Book (18)
- Article (13)
- Book (1)
- Conference Proceeding (1)
- Other (1)
- Review (1)
Keywords
- Deutsch (17)
- Kolonialismus (15)
- Sprachkontakt (15)
- Lehnwort (7)
- Sprachwechsel (7)
- Deutschland (5)
- Englisch (5)
- Pennsylvaniadeutsch (5)
- Mehrsprachigkeit (4)
- Zweisprachigkeit (4)
Publicationstate
- Veröffentlichungsversion (9)
- Zweitveröffentlichung (7)
- Postprint (1)
Reviewstate
- Peer-Review (9)
- (Verlags)-Lektorat (5)
- (Verlags-)lektorat (1)
- Peer-review (1)
Publisher
La diminution des compétences linguistiques (ou: attrition des langues) est un phénomène que l’on rencontre dans différents contextes lorsque l’accès à ce qui est acquis dans une langue (L1, L2 ou langue étrangère) diminue. Les recherches sur le sujet montrent par exemple que l’influence de la L2 rend difficile aux locuteurs L1 d’exploiter toutes les variations stylistiques ou pragmatiques que leur L1 devrait normalement leur permettre. La question qui se pose est de savoir ce qui se perd en effet: est-ce la competence langagière, la representation mentale de la connaissance qui est affectée ou s’agit-il plutôt d’une limitation de l’accès et du contrôle des connaissances acquises qui, elles, restent intactes? Dans le cadre des discussions actuelles autour des avantages et des risques du plurilinguisme il n’est pas seulement intéressant mais bien nécessaire d’approfondir les recherches sur les processus de l’attrition. Il faut par ailleurs, pour que les plurilingues aient un réel bénéfice de leur potentiel, que la société reconnaisse et apprécie concrètement ces compétences et qu’elle encourage les locuteurs à afficher leur identité bilingue en toute confiance et transparence.
Sprache macht stark!
(2014)
Is it possible to undo or reverse language attrition? In other words, has there been, in the case of attrition, a permanent change with respect to the speaker's L1 knowledge, or do we only see temporary effects on the control of that knowledge? It is proposed here that the concept of attrition should include the temporary loss of language skills since it is, so far, not clear whether or to what extent once-acquired linguistic abilities can be permanently lost at all, particularly with respect to an L1. A reversal in the development of attrition after renewed contact with the L1 can support the claim that a decrease in L1 proficiency can be TEMPORARY, and that it is the ACCESSIBILITY of items and structures that is affected by attrition rather than the L1 knowledge (competence) itself. Our primary research interest in the present study is to analyze what skills and features are recoverable and what phenomena persist, (possibly) indicating permanent loss.
Historical sociolinguistics in colonial New Guinea: The Rhenish mission society in the Astrolabe Bay
(2017)
The Rhenish Mission Society, a German Protestant mission, was active in a small part of northern New Guinea, the Astrolabe Bay, between 1887 and 1932. Up until 1914, this region was under German colonial rule. The German dominance was also reflected in rules on language use in official contexts such as schools and administration.
Missionaries were strongly affected by such rules as their most important tool in mission work was language. In addition, they were also responsible for school education as most schools in the German colonial areas in the Pacific were mission-run. Thus, mission societies had to make decisions about what languages to use, considering their own needs, their ideological convictions, and the colonial government’s requirements. These considerations were framed by the complex setting of New Guinea’s language wealth where several hundred languages were, and still are, spoken.
This paper investigates a small set of original documents from the Rhenish Mission Society to trace what steps were taken and what considerations played a major role in the process of agreeing on a suitable means of communication with the people the missionaries wanted to reach, thereby touching upon topics such as language attitudes, language policies and politics, practical considerations of language learning and language spread, and colonial actions impacting local language ecologies.
Mit dem hier besprochenen Band liegt eine Monographie zu Pennsylvania Dutch(Pennsylvania German, Pennsylvania-Deutsch; im Weiteren auch PD) vor, die sowohl die Entstehungsbedingungen und -verläufe und den soziohistorischen, soziopolitischen und religionsbezogenen Kontext seiner Entwicklung als auch seine sprachlichen und literarischen Formen, seine historische und heutige gesellschaftliche Stellung und Verwendung umfassend und gründlich darstellt. Louden wendet sich dabei nicht nur an ein linguistisches Fachpublikum, sondern auch an LeserInnen ohne eine speziell linguistische Vorbildung. Dementsprechend werden für die Darstellung relevante linguistische Konzepte eingeführt und erklärt. Ein umfassendes Stichwortverzeichnis macht die Monographie gut erschließbar, und die umfangreiche Bibliographie ermöglicht es, sich weitergehend zu allen angesprochenen Themen zu informieren. Die Endnoten werden strategisch gut eingesetzt, da sie nicht nur fachwissenschaftliche ‚Unterfütterung‘ bieten, sondern auch dazu genutzt werden, alle zitierten Quellentexte sowohl auf Englisch als auch in der (pennsylvania-)deutschen Originalfassung zur Verfügung zu stellen.
Mit dem hier besprochenen Band liegt eine Monographie zu Pennsylvania Dutch (Pennsylvania German, Pennsylvania-Deutsch; im Weiteren auch PD) vor, die sowohl die Entstehungsbedingungen und -verläufe und den soziohistorischen, soziopolitischen und religionsbezogenen Kontext seiner Entwicklung als auch seine sprachlichen und literarischen Formen, seine historische und heutige gesellschaftliche Stellung und Verwendung umfassend und gründlich darstellt. Louden wendet sich dabei nicht nur an ein linguistisches Fachpublikum, sondern auch an LeserInnen ohne eine speziell linguistische Vorbildung. Dementsprechend werden für die Darstellung relevante linguistische Konzepte eingeführt und erklärt. Ein umfassendes Stichwortverzeichnis macht die Monographie gut erschließbar, und die umfangreiche Bibliographie ermöglicht es, sich weitergehend zu allen angesprochenen Themen zu informieren. Die Endnoten werden strategisch gut eingesetzt, da sie nicht nur fachwissenschaftliche ‚Unterfütterung‘ bieten, sondern auch dazu genutzt werden, alle zitierten Quellentexte sowohl auf Englisch als auch in der (pennsylvania-)deutschen Originalfassung zur Verfügung zu stellen.
Canadian heritage German across three generations: A diary-based study of language shift in action
(2019)
It is well known that migration has an effect on language use and language choice. If the language of origin is maintained after migration, it tends to change in the new contact setting. Often, migrants shift to the new majority language within few generations. The current paper examines a diary corpus containing data from three generations of one German-Canadian family, ranging from 1867 to 1909, and covering the second to fourth generation after immigration. The paper analyzes changes that can be observed between the generations, with respect to the language system as well as to the individuals’ decision on language choice. The data not only offer insight into the dynamics of acquiring a written register of a heritage language, and the eventual shift to the majority language. They also allow us to identify different linguistic profiles of heritage speakers within one community. It is discussed how these profiles can be linked to the individuals’ family backgrounds and how the combination of these backgrounds may have contributed to giving up the heritage language in favor of the majority language.
Colonial studies
(2019)
Defining groups and affiliating the self and the other with specific social categories is an important part of constructing a colonial conceptualization of societies. Many written documents from the colonial period attest to this practice. The current paper focuses on missionaries’ ways of positioning themselves and others within the colonial context. The German speaking Rheinische Missionsgesellschaft (RMG, Rhenish Mission Society) established mission stations in the Astrolabe Bay area of New Guinea, an area that was under German domination between 1884 and 1914. The paper analyzes how RMG missionaries, by means of language, construct, define, and position different population groups, and it investigates what patterns emerge from these language practices.
Language shift after migration has been reported to occur within three generations. While this pattern holds in many cases there is also some counter evidence. In this paper, family documents from a German immigration community in Canada are investigated to trace individual decisions of language choice that contributed to an extended process of shift taking four generations and more than a century.
The book investigates the diachronic dimension of contact-induced language change based on empirical data from Pennsylvania German (PG), a variety of German in long-term contact with English. Written data published in local print media from Pennsylvania (USA) between 1868 and 1992 are analyzed with respect to semantic changes in the argument structure of verbs, the use of impersonal constructions, word order changes in subordinate clauses and in prepositional phrase constructions.
The research objective is to trace language change based on diachronic empirical data, and to assess whether existing models of language contact make provisions to cover the long-term developments found in PG. The focus of the study is thus twofold: first, it provides a detailed analysis of selected semantic and syntactic changes in Pennsylvania German, and second, it links the empirical findings to theoretical approaches to language contact.
Previous investigations of PG have drawn a more or less static, rather than dynamic, picture of this contact variety. The present study explores how the dynamics of language contact can bring about language mixing, borrowing, and, eventually, language change, taking into account psycholinguistic processes in (the head of) the bilingual speaker.
During German colonialism in the Pacific, language contact between German and the local languages took place in different areas and in varying intensity. The numbers of native speakers of German were low, and in many cases German was not the means of communication, so that comparatively little language contact occurred naturally. Despite this situation, several native languages in the German colonial area integrated loanwords from German and preserved them up until today. Quantitative differences in borrowing between the affected languages are arguably due to extralinguistic factors influencing contact duration and intensity as well as local language attitudes. There is one area where the use of German was explicitly supported by the government: These are schools. The present paper investigates the numbers of students who came into contact with instruction of or in German. Many schools were mission-run, and in particular non-German missions had problems finding qualified teachers for their German instruction. Following an overview of population proportions regarding speakers of German and school attendance, this paper compares quantitative loanword data to contact opportunities with German in schools, drawing a tentative conclusion on whether instruction in German, as one extralinguistic factor influencing language contact, had a measurable effect on lexical borrowing from German.
In den zwei Jahrzehnten vor dem ersten Weltkrieg standen weite Teile des Südpazifik unter deutscher Verwaltung. Das Deutsche stand hier in einem eng umrissenen geographischen Areal über 700 anderen Sprachen gegenüber, was zu einer besonderen Situation in Bezug auf Sprachenpolitik, Sprachenverhältnisse und Sprachkontakt führte. Ein konkretes Beispiel für kontaktbedingten lexikalischen Einfluss in diesem Kontext bietet die sprachliche Situation auf der pazifischen Insel Nauru. Hier hielten sich zu Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts etwa zeitgleich zwei deutschsprachige Missionare auf, der Protestant Philip A. Delaporte und der Katholik Alois Kayser; beide trugen aktiv zur Dokumentation und schriftlichen Verwendung des Nauruischen bei. Ein Vergleich der Wörterbücher zeigt jedoch deutliche Unterschiede, v.a. in Bezug auf die Herkunft von Lehnwörtern, Während bei Delaporte in allen auf Nauruisch verfassten schriftlichen Dokumenten eine größere Zahl an deutschen Lehnwörtern auftritt, finden sich bei Kayser an deren Stelle häufig die entsprechenden englisch-basierten Lexeme, sofern die betreffenden Lemmata überhaupt erfasst sind. In der vorliegenden Untersuchung geht es um einen Vergleich der Wörterbücher von Delaporte und Kayser, wobei ergänzend eine Wortliste von Paul Hambruch (1914—15) sowie neuere nauruische Wortlisten (Nauruan Swadesh List 1954, Petit-Skinner 1981) herangezogen werden. Eine zentrale Fragestellung ist, wie sich die Unterschiede zwischen Delaporte und Kayser erklären lassen und welche Schlussfolgerungen aus solchen Unterschieden in der Sprachdokumentation für die weitere Erforschung dieser und vergleichbarer Kontaktsitutationen zu ziehen sind (Zuverlässigkeit bzw. Bewertung linguistischer Dokumente). Dabei kommen auch methodologische Gesichtspunkte zur Sprache, u.a. die Schwierigkeit, eine aussagekräftige und quantitativ ausreichende Datenbasis zusammenzustellen, die eine möglichst zuverlässige Grundlage für die Evaluierung einer solchen historischen Sprachkontaktsituation bieten kann.
In long-standing language contact situations, SLA mechanisms can account for changes in LI. While it is obvious that LI influence on L2 can be accounted for as a transfer effect, I postulate that SLA effects are responsible for certain aspects of L2 influence on LI as well. This is transparent if early stages of SLA are compared to early stages of language contact: what is affected most in both cases is the lexicon. Examples are drawn from Pennsylvania German, a German-based language spoken in the USA and in contact with American English (AE) for c. 300 years. The data imply that the conceptual matrix of the Speakers’ minds has shifted from German to AE, resulting in constructions that can be traced to AE, while the conscious language choice is still German. This conceptual shift relates to a stage in SLA, when the learner begins to get a grasp of the internal systematicity of the L2 and reduces the transfer of structural LI material to L2, i.e. the beginning of a structuralization process in the learner’s interlanguage. The quality and sequence of the “invading” material in language contact is strikingly similar to the sequence of the material composed in the process of SLA, implying a close relationship
between the two processes.
During the brief era of German colonialism in the Pacific (1884-1914), German was in contact with a large number of languages, autochthonous as well as colonial ones. This setting led to language contact in which German influenced and was influenced by various languages. In 1900, Western Samoa came under German colonial rule. The German language held a certain prestige there which is mirrored by the numbers of voluntary Samoan learners of German. On the other hand, the preferred use of English, rather than German, by native speakers of German was frequently noted. This paper examines linguistic and metalinguistic data that suggest the historical existence of (the precursor of) a colonial variety of German as spoken in Samoa. This variety seems to have been marked mainly by lexical borrowing from English and Samoan and was, because of these borrowings, not fully comprehensible to Germans who had never encountered the variety or the colonial setting in Samoa. It is discussed whether this variety can be considered a separate variety of German on linguistic grounds.
By way of migration, large numbers of German-speaking settlers arrived in Pennsylvania between roughly 1700 and 1750. Pennsylvania German, as a distinct variety, developed through levelling processes from L1 varieties of these migrants who came mainly from the southwestern regions of the German speaking area. Pennsylvania German is still spoken today by specific religious groups (primarily Amish and Menonnite groups) for many of whom it is an identity marker. My paper focuses on those Pennsylvania Germans who are not part of these religious groups but have the same migration history. Due to their being closer to the cultural values of American mainstream society, they were integrated into it, and during the 20th century their use of Pennsylvania German was continually diminishing. A revival of this heritage language has occurred over the past c. three decades, including language courses offered at community colleges, public libraries, etc., where ethnic Pennsylvania Germans wish to (re-)learn the language of their grandparents. Written Pennsylvania German data from four points in time between the 1860s and the 1990s were analysed in this study. Based on these linguistic analyses, differences between the data sets are shown that point towards a diachronic change in the language contact situation of Pennsylvania German speakers. Sociolinguistic and extralinguistic factors are considered that influence the role of PG and make their speakers heritage speakers much in the sense of recent immigrant heritage speakers, although delayed by 200 years.
Zwischen 1884 und 1914 standen verschiedene Regionen Afrikas und des Pazifiks unter der Kolonialherrschaft des deutschen Kaiserreichs. Teil dieses kolonialen Herrschaftsanspruches war es, Deutsch als Sprache der allgemeinen Kommunikation einzuführen. Um Deutschkenntnisse zu vermitteln, gab es gesetzliche Vorgaben, die den Umfang des Deutschunterrichts in den Schulen näher bestimmten.