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On valence-binding grammars
(1978)
The valence of a verb determines the number, and the syntactic class, of those expressions that must co-occur with it in a sentence. Definitions of "valence-term" and "valence-boundness" are provided whereby the precise conditions are formulated that a valence-binding grammar must satisfy. These conditions are exemplified in the framework of a simple categorial grammar, in which various reductions of the general notions can be carried out.
In the first part of this contribution, we will present, as a starting point for the following discussions, a simple formal language P containing one stative predicate. We will then discuss, on an intuitive level, how a treatment of predicates of change could be conceived, and how the progressive could be rendered in a formal language.
We will then give a formal definition of a language, TP1, based on P, and we will construct a semantics for TP1, which incorporates the ideas discussed.
In their article 'Psycholinguistics without "psychological reality" ', Maria Black and Shulamit Chiat have argued the case for abandoning 'the notion of "psychological reality"' (1981: 37), pointing to 'the contradictions and non sequiturs found whenever psychological reality is mentioned'
(1981: 58, n. 9) in linguistic literature. Interestingly, the same issue of Linguistics provides us with a case in point. Roland A. Wolff (henceforth W) reports on a test intended to address the 'general question ... : To what extent does a formal grammar (a linguist's account, or model) correspond to a speaker's internalized grammar (competence)?' (1981: 3; if not otherwise indicated in the following, page references are to Wo1ff, 1981).
Anaphora by pronouns
(1983)
An adequate conception of anaphora is still a desideratum. Considering the anaphoric use of third-person personal pronouns, the present study contributes to the solution of the question of what anaphora is. Major tenets of generative approaches to pronominal anaphora are surveyed; descriptive and methodological problems with transformational as well as interpretive treatments are discussed. The prevailing assumption that anaphora is a syntactically based phenomenon is shown tobe inadequate. In particular, it is argued that pronominal anaphora does not constitute a case of eilher a syntactic ( agreement) relation or a semantic ( coreference) relation between antecedents and anaphors, i.e. linguistic expressions. Infact, there is no grammatical antecedent-anaphor relation that is essential to the description of pronouns. Pronouns are to be treated in their own right rather than by recourse to supposed antecedents. An account of the use of pronouns has to be based on a notion of speaker reference and on a unified description of lexical entries for pronouns that specify their meanings. Sampie entries for English are suggested. It is emphasized that pronoun meanings rejlect social, not biological, classifications of possible referents. To the extent that pronouns are used according to morphosyntactic features, as in languages like German or French, lexical entries for pronouns should specify the pronouns' 'associative potential'. Associative potential has the samefunction as conceptual meaning, viz. delimiting the associated extension. In addition to this, pronouns turn out to differ from 'normal definite nominals' only in the low conceptual content of their meanings. Pronoun occurrences that apparently agree with and are coreferential with referential antecedents are found to form a restricted subclass of pronoun use in generat as weil as of anaphoric pronoun use. Thus one must refrainfromforcing each and every pronoun occurrence into this mold. Instead, anaphora by pronouns is characterized as a type of use where pronouns serve to refer to referents that the speaker considers to be retrievable from the universe-of-discourse.
This article aims to show that it is only by comparing different multilingual communities that a typologically relevant description of such communities is made possible. An example (Brix, 1982) is presented to demonstrate that a usable description of such regions is implicitly based on comparison and what factors are important in this respect. It is shown that only a model of variables which can comprise the analogous traits of the situations as well as the differences between them enables an adequate comparison to be made. The examples of the Croats in the Burgenland and of the Slovenes in Carinthia show what the consequences for the description of the situations are and what difficulties arise with such a description. The domains of the semi-official use of language are examined to find out what parallels and differences in the factors which are used for the description of multilingual communities (e.g. economic situation, legislation, historical development, sociolinguistic situation) can be related the peculiarities of language use in the two situations. In this way typological similarities and certain idiosyncratic characteristics of the two regions can be understood.