@incollection{Brandt2015,
  author    = {Patrick Brandt},
  title     = {Receiving and perceiving datives (cipients). A view from German},
  series = {Datives and Other Cases},
  editor    = {Daniel Hole and Andr{\´e} Meinunger and Werner Abraham},
  publisher = {Benjamins},
  address   = {Amsterdam},
  isbn      = {90-272-3085-4},
  url       = {https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:bsz:mh39-37684},
  pages     = {79 -- 100},
  year      = {2015},
  abstract  = {The paper gives an analysis of productively occurring dative constructions in German, attempting to unify what are known traditionally as Double Object and Experiencer Datives. The datives in question - cipients as we call them - are argued to be licensed under two conditions: One, predicates licensing cipients project a theme and a location argument internally; two, interpretation of the predication as a whole involves reference to two dissociated temporal intervals, or more generally, indexical truth intervals. It is argued that the location argument is needed because it provides the variable that is bound by the cipient argument - the variable in question ranges over superlocations of the location argument referent. Reference to two truth intervals is forced because interpreting the cipient structure involves evaluation of two propositional meanings that would contradict each other in a single context. The first propositional meaning is embedded in the predicate; it encodes that something is at a certain location (in quality space). The second propositional meaning is projected as a presupposition that corresponds just to the negation of the first one. The cipient, functioning as the logical subject of the construction, accommodates this second presuppositional meaning; this makes the construction as a whole interpretable. The analysis applies uniformly to what appear to be the two major contexts licensing cipients: ‘eventive’ and ‘foo-comparative’ predications, thereby accounting for some striking parallels between them.},
  language  = {en}
}